HAROLD    L.    LEUPP 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

DAVIS 


FRANCE 

AND 

THE  CONFEDERATE  NAYY 

1862-1868 

AN  INTERNATIONAL  EPISODE 


BY 

JOHN    BIGELOW 


NEW  YORK 
HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  FRANKLIN  SQUARE 

1888 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


Copyright,  1888,  by  HARPER  &  BROTHERS. 


All  riglttt  reserved. 


PREFACE. 


AT  one  stage  of  our  civil  war  it  seemed  as  though 
its  fate  was  to  be  decided  less  by  the  belligerents 
than  by  the  national  powers  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Atlantic.  The  insurgents,  in  their  desperation, 
were  ready  to  make  any  sacrifice  to  secure  their  in 
dependence.  They  offered  to  Spain,  as  the  price  of 
recognition,  to  guarantee  to  her  the  possession  of 
Cuba ;  to  France,  they  offered  to  guarantee  Maxi 
milian's  sovereignty  in  Mexico,  and  for  the  loan  of 
a  squadron  of  the  emperor's  navy  several  millions 
of  dollars  in  cotton  ;  while  to  England  they  offered 
yet  greater  temptations.  It  was  even  rumored  that 
a  restoration  of  British  supremacy  in  the  insurgent 
states  would  not  have  been  esteemed  too  high  a 
price  to  pay  for  the  overthrow  of  the  government 
at  Washington.  It  was  in  one  of  these  paroxysms 
of  desperation  that  the  agents  of  the  Confederate 
States  managed  to  tempt  the  Emperor  of  the  French 
to  authorize  the  construction  in  the  dockyards  of 
France  of  several  vessels  of  war  for  the  Confed 
erate  navy  more  formidable  than  any  then  afloat. 


iv  PREFACE. 

Had  these  vessels  reached  the  coast  of  America, 
the  territory  of  the  United  States  might  possibly 
now  be  under  two  or  more  independent  govern 
ments;  or,  if  under  one,  a  widely  different  one 
from  that  under  which  we  are  now  living  or  from 
any  which  our  fathers  designed  for  us.  The  his 
tory  of  that  conspiracy  and  of  the  means  by 
which  the  calamities  with  wh'ich  it  was  so  big 
were  averted,  invite  the  reader's  attention  in  these 
pages. 

The  somewhat  peculiar  structure  of  this  story  re 
quires  a  word  of  explanation.  It  has  no  pretension 
to  the  dignity  of  a  history.  The  order  in  which 
events  are  presented  is  not  such  as  the  Muse  of 
History  would  adopt ;  but  it  is  the  order  in  which 
they  were  disclosed  to  the  writer.  If  this  course 
has  no  other  advantage,  it  spares  me  the  necessity 
of  treating  events  which  are  still  in  the  crucibles  of 
controversy  and  criticism ;  it  allows  me  to  confine  my 
testimony  to  events  of  which  I  am  in  some  respects 
the  most  competent  surviving  witness,  and  to  pre 
sent  them  in  the  order  in  which  they  were  disclosed 
to  me  and  to  the  government  I  represented.  As  the 
course  of  history  is  determined  as  well  by  what  is 
not  known  as  by  what  is  known,  I  feel  that  I  may 
render  quite  as  substantial  service  by  testifying  to 
those  matters  only  that  fell  within  the  sphere  of  my 
own  observation  and  by  implication  of  those  which 
were  concealed  from  me,  as  by  a  more  ambitious 


PREFACE.  v 

work,  which  would  involve  the  treatment  of  many 
matters  of  which  I  had  no  personal  knowledge ;  of 
many  which  are  still  only  partially  disclosed,  and  of 
which  others  are  competent  to  deal  with  as  well  or 
better  than  myself.  I  begin  my  story,  therefore, 
with  the  beginning  of  my  acquaintance  with  the 
plans  of  the  Confederate  States  to  procure  ships 
of  war  in  France,  instead  of  beginning  at  the  begin 
ning  of  their  operations  there  a  year  or  more  before, 
which  would  have  been  the  historical  order,  and  I 
proceed  to  throw  such  light  as  I  have  upon  subsequent 
events  only  as  it  reached  me.  It  is  by  following  this 
order  of  development,  which  reveals  what  was  not 
known  as  well  as  what  was  known  by  the  Federal 
government  from  time  to  time,  that  its  policy  can 
be  comprehended  and  the  acts  and  omissions  of  its 
agents  correctly  appreciated.  I  venture  to  believe, 
therefore,  that  the  lack  of  artistic  merit  in  its  ar 
rangement  will  not  impair  whatever  value,  if  any, 
this  statement  would  otherwise  have  as  a  contribu 
tion  towards  a  history  of  one  of  the  most  critical 
periods  of  our  national  existence. 

The  writer  has  endeavored  to  so  perform  what 
has  seemed  to  be  his  duty,  in  a  way  to  reopen  no 
old  wounds,  to  awaken  no  slumbering  animosities, 
nor  to  shorten  the  mantle  of  charity  which  the 
wise  and  good  of  both  sections  of  our  country  since 
the  war  have  been  diligently  weaving  over  common 
errors  and  shortcomings. 


CONTENTS. 


!P  JV  R,  T     I. 


CHAPTER  I. 

A.  Mysterious  Visitor  and  his  Revelations. — The  Imperial  Government 
Compromised. — Iron-clads  Building  for  the  Confederates  at  Bor 
deaux  and  Nantes. — Captain  Bullock's  Confessions Page  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Appeal  from  the  Government  of  France  to  the  People  of  France.— Re 
monstrances  of  Mr.  Dayton. — Berryer's  Opinion 16 

CHAPTER  III. 

An  Instruction  from  Secretary  Seward. — The  French  Press  Forbidden 
to  Publish  Berryer's  Opinion. — The  Emperor's  Address  from  the 
Throne. — The  Corps  Legislatif  not  Permitted  to  Discuss  the  Arman 
Amendment.— Protest  from  Mr.  Seward 28 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Press  and  the  Imperial  Ministers. — The  Opinion  Nationale. — The 
Mexican  Loan  Failure. — Imperial  Sympathy  with  the  Insurgents. — 
Embarrassment  Resulting  from  the  Exposure  of  the  Conspiracy. — 
Delivery  of  the  Iron-clads  to  the  Insurgents  Forbidden. — The  Em 
peror  Charged  with  Bad  Faith  by  the  Confederates 37 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Plot  to  Secure  One  of  the  Iron-clads  by  a  Fictitious  Sale. — The 
Emperor  Waiting  for  Lee  to  Take  Washington  to  Recognize  the 
Confederacy 48 


viii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

A  Confederate  Iron-clad  Escapes. — Its  Arrival  on  the  French  Coast. — 
Takes  Refuge  in  Spain.— Watched  by  the  United  States  Frigate 
Niagara. — Double  Dealing  of  the  Imperial  Government.. .  .Page  66 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Spanish  Government  Asked  to  Detain  the  Stonewall. — Commodore 
Craven's  Embarrassment.  —  Report  of  the  United  States  Charge 
tf  Affaires  at  Madrid. — The  Career  of  the  Stonewall  Described  by 
her  Captain  until  her  Final  Surrender  to  the  United  States  Author 
ities  at  Havana. — Vindication  of  Commodore  Craven 70 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Prosecution  of  Arman  to  Recover  the  Price  of  the  Confederate  Steam 
ers  Sold  to  Foreign  Powers. — Berryer's  Argument. — Strange  Rules 
of  Evidence  in  French  Courts. — Annan's  Balance  Sheet 00 


3?  A.  R,  T     II. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Slidell's  First  Interview  with  the  Emperor. — Thouvenel  Talks  "  Banal- 
ties." — Slidell  Submits  Benjamin's  Proposal  to  Hire  the  Emperor's 
Fleet  to  Break  the  Blockade. — Proposes  to  Make  Common  Caus'e 
with  the  French  in  Mexico 107 

CHAPTER  X. 

Slidell's  Second  Interview  with  the  Emperor. — Invites  him  again  to 
Break  the  Blockade. — Proposes  to  Submit  the  Issue  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Confederate  States  to  the  Emperor,  Knowing 
his  Views. — Asks  the  Emperor  not  to  Watch  too  Closely  what  was 
Going  on  in  his  Ship-yards. — The  Confederate  Government  had  no 
Objection  to  his  Seizing  St.  Domingo 126 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Emperor's  Reasons  for  Refusing  to  Recognize  the  Confederate 
States.— Slidell  Offers  to  Pledge  the  Confederate  States  to  Guarantee 
Cuba  to  Spain. — The  Emperor  Preferred  having  the  Whigs  in  Pow 
er  in  England  to  the  Tories. — Refuses  to  Guarantee  the  Exit  of  the 


CONTENTS.  ix 

Confederate  Steamers  unless  their  Destination  was  Concealed. — 
Roebuck's  Proposal  to  Interview  the  Emperor. — The  Emperor  Or 
ders  Slidell's  Son  to  be  Received  as  a  Pupil  at  St.  Cyr Page  139 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Slidell's  First  Interview  with  Drouyn  de  Lhuys. — The  Minister  De 
clines  to  Express  any  Opinion  about  Recognizing  the  Confederate 
States 142 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Slidell's  Second  Interview  with  Drouyn  de  Lhuys. — The  Emperor's 
Silence  about  American  Affairs  in  his  Address  to  the  Chambers  Ex 
cused. — Slidell's  Note  to  the  Emperor  Requesting  him  to  Order  the 
Minister  of  Marine  not  to  Interfere  with  the  Sailing  of  the  Rams 
Building  for  the  Confederates 146 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Slidell's  Third  Interview  with  Drouyn  de  Lhuys. — Referred  by  him  to 
the  Minister  of  Marine  for  Information  about  the  Rams. — Rouher 
Gives  Assurance  that  the  Rams  may  Leave  when  Finished. — Drouyn 
de  Lhuys  Refuses  Permission  to  Advertise  the  Confederate  Cotton 
Loan  in  France. — His  Refusal  Withdrawn  by  Order  of  the  Empe 
ror 150 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Slidell  Advises  against  any  more  Attempts  to  Fit  out  a  Navy  in  Europe. 
— Concludes  that  "  the  Weak  have  no  Rights,  the  Strong  no  Obli 
gations." — G\vin  on  his  Way  to  Mexico  with  an  Autograph  Letter 
from  the  Emperor  to  the  French  Commander. — Secretary  Benjamin 
Reviews  the  Conduct  of  the  French  Government. — Slidell  Directed 
to  Maintain  "  a  Reserved  Demeanor  " 159 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Washington  Government  Charged  with  Bribery  and  Employing 
Spies. — Letters  of  Slidell  and  Benjamin. — Mason's  Offer  to  Corrupt 
the  Telegraph  Company. — Edwin  de  Leon's  Mission  to  "Enlighten 
Public  Opinion  in  Europe "  and  Rig  the  Press. — Slidell's  Effort  to 
Tempt  the  Emperor  with  a  Bribe. — Mason  and  Slidell  Bull  the  Con 
federate  Cotton  Loan  in  the  London  Market  at  an  Expense  of  over 
$6,000,000  in  a  Single  Month 167 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Further  Communications  from  M.  X.— Message  from  General  Prim. — 
His  Proposal  to  Sell  Cuba  for  $3,000,000.— The  Infante  of  Spain  in 
the  Intrigue Page  190 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
CONCLUSION  . .  .194 


APPENDIX  A. 
No.  1. — M&IOIRE  1  COXSULTER 199 

No.  2. — CONSULTATION  DE  M.  BERRYER. 217 

APPENDIX  B. 
COURT-MARTIAL  OF  COMMODORE  CRAVEN 232 

APPENDIX  C. 

THE  MINISTER  OF  JUSTICE  TO  THE  AMERICAN  MINISTER..  .  238 


INDEX..  241 


PAKT  I, 


FRANCE 

AND   THE 

NAVY  OF  THE  CONFEDERATE  STATES. 


PART    FIRST. 

CHAPTER  I. 

A  Mysterious  Visitor  and  his  Revelations. — The  Imperial  Govern 
ment  Compromised. — Iron-dads  Building  for  the  Confederates 
at  Bordeaux  and  Nantes. —  Captain  Bullocks  Confessions. 

ON  the  10th  of  September,  1863,  David  Fuller,  the 
messenger  of  the  Paris  Consulate,  handed  me  the 
card  of  a  stranger,  who  wished,  he  said,  to  see  me 
personally.  Permission  granted,  a  man  of  middle 
age  presently  entered,  and  after  closing  the  door 
carefully  behind  him  proceeded  to  say  that  he  had 
a  communication  to  make  of  considerable  impor 
tance  to  my  government.  He  was  a  Frenchman 
of  the  Gascon  type,  small  of  stature,  with  glitter 
ing  black  eyes,  and  thick,  coarse,  jet-black  hair, 
which  had  appropriated  to  itself  most  of  his  fore 
head  ;  he  \vas  sober  and  deliberate  of  speech,  as  if 
he  had  been  trained  to  measure  his  words  and  was 
accustomed  to  be  held  responsible  for  what  he  said. 
1 


2      FKANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

I  was  not  prepossessed  by  Ms  appearance,  perhaps 
because  of  my  rather  extensive  experience  of  peo 
ple  continually  presenting  themselves  at  the  Con 
sulate  in  quest  of  a  market  for  their  suspicions,  ru 
mors,  and  imaginings,  and  who  usually  introduced 
themselves,  like  the  person  before  me,  as  bearers  of 
information  of  vital  importance. 

I  asked  him  to  be  seated,  and  waited  for  him  to 
proceed.  He  asked  if  I  was  aware  that  the  Confed 
erates  were  building  war  vessels  in  France.  I  replied 
that  rumors  of  the  kind  had  reached  me,  but  as 
they  came  from  or  through  wholly  irresponsible 
sources,  usually  needy  Confederate  refugees,  and 
had  received  no  confirmation  from  our  consuls  at 
the  ship-building  ports,  I  had  ceased  to  attach  much 
importance  to  them.  He  proceeded  to  state  as 
facts  within  his  own  knowledge  that  there  were 
then  building  in  the  ports  of  Bordeaux  and  Nantes 
for  account  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America 
several  vessels,  some  of  which  were  armor  plated 
and  rams,  which  together  were  to  cost  from  twelve 
to  fifteen  millions  of  francs ;  that  the  engines  for 
some  of  them  were  built  and  ready  to  be  put  in, 
and  that  for  the  armament  of  these  vessels  artillery 
and  shells  had  also  been  ordered.  I  here  remarked 
that  no  vessel  of  war  could  be  built  in  France  with 
out  the  authorization  of  the  French  government. 
He  replied  that  the  official  authorization  for  the 
construction,  equipment,  and  arming  of  these  ves 
sels  had  already  been  issued  from  the  Department 
of  the  Marine.  I  asked  him  if  he  meant  seriously 
to  affirm  that  the  vessels  he  spoke  of  were  building 


A  MYSTERIOUS  VISITOR.  3 

under  an  official  authorization  of  the  government. 
He  reaffirmed  his  statement,  and  added  further  that 
he  was  prepared  to  prove  it  to  my  entire  satisfac 
tion. 

I  tried  not  to  betray  my  sense  of  the  supreme  im 
portance  of  this  communication,  which  was  too  cir 
cumstantial  and  precise  to  be  wholly  imaginary,  if 
possibly  exaggerated.  Besides,  I  had  attached  more 
importance  than  any  one  else  seemed  to,  to  rumors 
of  the  same  nature  which  had  reached  me  pre 
viously,  simply  for  the  reason  that  the  difficulties 
which  the  Confederates  had  encountered  in  their 
efforts  to  recruit  their  navy  in  England  made  it 
seem  not  only  natural  but  almost  inevitable  that 
they  should  transfer  their  preparations  to  a  country 
the  government  of  which  was  supposed  to  be  in 
greater  sympathy  with  their  schemes,  and  where, 
under  such  circumstances,  the  courts  of  justice 
would  have  less  power  to  annoy. 

I  said  to  my  visitor,  "  Of  course  what  you  state 
is  of  grave  importance  to  my  government  if  it  can 
be  substantiated,  but  of  none  at  all  without  proofs 
which  cannot  be  disputed  or  explained  away." 

"  Of  course  not,"  he  replied. 

"  What  kind  of  proofs  can  you  furnish  ?"  I  asked. 

"  Original  documents,"  he  said ;  "  and,  what  is 
more,  I  will  engage  that  with  my  proofs  in  hand, 
you  can  effectually  secure  the  arrest  of  the  ships." 

As  the  contractors,  according  to  his  statement, 
had  already  received  an  official  authorization  from 
the  Department  of  Marine  to  execute  their  contract 
for  the  Confederates,  I  asked  him  why  he  supposed 


4      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

any  proofs  he  might  produce  could  change  the  des 
tiny  of  the  ships.  He  replied  that  the  official  au 
thorization  appeared  on  its  face  to  have  been  pro 
cured  through  false  representations. 

He  thereupon  produced  a  certified  copy  of  the 
government  authorization  and  some  half-dozen  orig 
inal  letters  and  papers,  showing,  beyond  a  doubt, 
the  substantial  truth  of  his  statements.  These 
papers  he  proposed  to  leave  with  me  and  to  wait 
upon  me  again  on  the  Saturday  following,  the  in 
terval  to  be  employed  by  him  in  procuring  some 
supplementary  proofs  which  he  described  to  me. 
I  could  no  longer  resist  the  conclusion  that  my 
visitor,  whom  for  greater  convenience  I  will  call 
Mr.  X,  was  in  earnest,  and  that  he  was  in  posses 
sion  of,  or  controlled,  evidence  of  which  no  time 
should  be  lost  in  securing  possession.  Before  he 
left  I  asked  him  upon  what  conditions  I  was  to 
receive  this  service  at  his  hands,  for  there  was  not 
much  ground  for  presuming  that  his  zeal  for  our 
national  unity  was  entirely  disinterested.  He  said 
that  of  course  the  papers  were  not  obtainable  with 
out  some  expense  and  much  trouble,  and  that  when 
the  documents  he  proposed  to  furnish  me  had  actu 
ally  defeated  the  naval  operations  of  the  Con 
federates  in  France,  he  would  expect  20,000  francs. 
I  replied  to  him  that  that  was  a  large  sum  of 
money,  but  that  I  could  not  say  that  it  was  too 
large  until  I  had  seen  what  he  proposed  to  bring 
me  as  its  equivalent.  If,  however,  I  decided  to  use 
the  papers,  he  might  rely  upon  being  properly  com 
pensated.  To  a  question  of  mine  which  implied 


ARMAN'S  LETTER.  5 

some  curiosity  to  know  how  these  proofs  got  into 
his  hands,  he  intimated  that  some  of  the  parties 
concerned  in  building  these  vessels  were  not  as 
earnest  as  Captain  Bullock*  to  have  them  placed  at 
his  disposal.  This  was  all  his  answer.  He  did  not 
name  any  person  nor  seem  inclined  to  be  more 
explicit. 

At  the  hour  agreed  upon  on  Saturday,  the  12th, 
Mr.  X  reappeared  with  his  supplementary  proofs. 
These,  with  those  already  in  my  possession,  were 
conclusive ;  nothing  could  have  been  more  conclu 
sive.  The  following  autograph  note  from  M.  Ar- 
man,  of  Bordeaux,  to  M.  Voruz,  of  Nantes,  would 
alone  have  answered  our  purpose. 

ARMAN  TO  VORUZ. 

(Translation.) 

''Dear  Mr.  Voruz, — I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  9th,  and 
Bullock's  check  for  720,000  francs  enclosed.  I  hasten  to  send 
you  a  receipt,  and  also,  in  accordance  with  your  request,  the 
papers  which  you  have  signed,  in  the  hand  of  Bullock  for  the 
first  payment  of  two  ships  of  four  hundred  horse-power  which 
I  am  building  for  account  of  the  Confederates,  simultaneously 
with  those  you  are  having  built  with  Jollet  &  Babin  and  Dubigeon 
fils.  I  beg  you  to  arrange  with  Mr.  Bullock  to  finally  reimburse 
us  for  the  guarantee  commissions  we  pay  to  Mr.  Erlanger. 

"Accept,  etc. 

"ARMAN." 

Annan  was  the  builder  at  Bordeaux  with  whom 
Captain  Bullock  had  contracted  for  the  construction 
of  the  ships  referred  to  in  the  foregoing  note.  He 
was  also  said  to  be  "  solid  "  with  the  emperor,  who 

*  The  agent  of  the  Navy  Department  of  the  Confederate 
government  in  Europe. 


6      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

was  anxious  to  encourage  ship-building  in  France, 
as  well  as  to  discountenance  Republicanism  in 
America ;  and,  finally,  he  was  a  member  of  the  Corps 
Legislatif.  M.  Yoruz  was  a  large  iron-founder  and 
machinist  at  Nantes,  and  he  was  also  a  member  of 
the  Corps  Legislatif.  Both  were  devoted  imperial 
ists. 

As  time  was  of  supreme  importance  to  the  Con 
federates,  and  as  M.  Arman  could  not  undertake 
to  deliver  all  of  the  ships  required  within  the  ten 
months  stipulated  for  by  his  contract,  he  had  ar 
ranged  with  M.  Yoruz,  of  Nantes,  for  the  construc 
tion  of  part  of  them,  he  undertaking  the  rest  and 
being  responsible  to  the  Confederates  for  all.  Of 
course  these  facts  only  came  to  my  knowledge 
later.  At  the  time  of  which  I  am  speaking,  I  knew 
nothing  of  the  relations  between  Arman  and  Yoruz 
beyond  what  was  revealed  in  the  papers  submitted 
to  me.  While  this  letter  was  conclusive,  at  least, 
as  to  one  of  the  parties  to  this  contract,  the  follow 
ing  letter  from  Captain  Bullock,  which  was  next 
placed  in  my  hands,  was  equally  conclusive  as  to 
the  other : 

BULLOCK  TO  VORUZ. 

"LIVERPOOL,  Ay  gust  12, 1863. 

"I  Lave  received,  Mr.  Voruz,  your  letter  of  the  4th  instant, 
with  memoranda  of  prices  of  rifle  cannon  and  accessories.  I  am 
unable  to  give  you  a  direct  and  positive  order  for  such  cannon  be 
fore  learning  from  Captain  Blakeley*  how  his  canon  cercle  has 
succeeded.  Nevertheless,  I  should  be  pleased  to  treat  with  you, 

*  A  noted  manufacturer  of  ordnance  having  an  office  at  Mont- 
pclier  Square,  Rutland  Gate,  London. 


ERLANGER'S  GUARANTEE.  7 

if  we  can  agree  with  you  upon  the  conditions  ;  we  will  discuss 
them  when  I  am  at  Nantes. 

"It  is  my  intention  to  confide  my  affairs  to  as  few  hands  as 
possible,  and  I  hope  that  we  may  agree  upon  all  essential  points, 
so  that  our  relations  may  be  extended  even  in  case  of  peace. 
Our  government  will  be  obliged,  no  doubt,  to  apply  to  France 
for  the  construction  of  its  engines,  and  so  far  as  I  am  personally 
concerned  I  should  be  enchanted  if  the  relations  we  have  had 
together  should  lead  in  the  future  to  still  more  considerable 
orders.  I  will  thank  you  to  inform  me  how  the  corvettes  pro 
gress,  and  when  the  second  payments  will  be  due.  I  shall  write 
you  a  week  before  my  arrival  at  Nantes." 

Mr.  X  next  showed  me  Erlanger's  guarantee,  the 
cost  of  which  Arman  wished  Yoruz  to  persuade 
Bullock  to  assume. 

ERLANGER'S  GUARANTEE  TO  ARMAN. 

"PARIS,  June  9, 1863. 

"  Mr.  Annan, — I  engage  to  guarantee  the  two  first  payments 
for  the  ships  which  you  are  constructing  for  the  Confederates 
for  a  commission  of  five  per  cent.,  which  I  shall  retain  out  of 
funds  which  I  have  for  you.  I  shall  reserve  to  myself  the 
privilege  of  declining  to  guarantee  the  last  three  fifths  ;  but  if  I 
consent,  my  commissions  on  the  sums  guaranteed  will  not  be 
more  than  three  per  cent.  Accept,  etc., 

"E.  ERLANGER." 

The  foregoing  guarantee  was  the  financial  se 
quence  of  the  following  note  from  John  Slidell,  the 
Confederate  Plenipotentiary  at  Paris,  to  Arman, 
which  was  next  handed  to  me. 

Let  me  observe  that  not  long  after  these  arrange 
ments  w ere  consummated  a  son  and  partner  of  the 
subscriber  to  the  above  guarantee  married  a  daugh 
ter  of  Mr.  Slidell. 


8  FRANCE   AND  THE   CONFEDERATE   NAVY. 

SLIDELL  TO  ARMAN. 

"PARIS,  June  6,  1863. 

"Mr.Arman, — In  consequence  of  the  ministerial  authoriza 
tion  which  you  have  shown  me  and  which  I  deemed  sufficient, 
the  contract  of  the  15th  of  April  becomes  binding. 

"Accept,  etc.  SLIDELL." 

The  authorization  which  is  referred  to  in  this 
note,  and  which  Slidell  "deemed  sufficient,"  was 
issued  by  the  Department  of  the  Marine  on  the 
6th  of  June  in  response  to  an  application  from 
M.  Arman  of  the  1st  of  that  month,  of  the  tenor 
following : 

MINISTERIAL  AUTHORIZATION. 
(Translation.) 

"BORDEAUX,  June  1,  1863. 

"  Mr.  Minister, — I  request  of  your  Excellency  authority,  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  royal  ordinance  of  July  12, 1847,  to  equip  with 
an  armament  of  from  twelve  to  fourteen  thirty-pounders  four 
steamships,  now  constructing,  of  wood  and  iron : 

"Two  in  the  ship-yards  at  Bordeaux; 

"  One  by  Messrs.  Jollet  &  Babin  at  Nantes; 

"  One  by  Dubigeon  at  Nantes. 

"These  ships  are  destined  by  a  foreign  shipper  to  ply  the 
Chinese  and  Pacific  seas,  between  China,  Japan,  and  San  Fran 
cisco. 

"Their  special  armament  contemplates  their  eventual  sale  to 
the  governments  of  China  and  Japan. 

"The  guns  will  be  furnished  by  Mr.  Voruz,  Sr.,  of  Nantes, 
and  the  accessory  pieces,  according  to  circumstances,  at  Bor 
deaux  or  Nantes. 

"The  export  of  these  arms  will  only  be  delayed  the  time 
necessary  for  the  construction  of  the  ships,  which  are  consigned 
to  Messrs.  A.  Eymand  and  Delphin  Henry,  shippers,  at  Bor 
deaux,  to  whom,  in  1859,  I  sent  the  steamer  Cosmopolite  under 
the  English  flag. 

"The  construction  of  these  ships  has  been  in  progress  since 


THE  AUTHORIZATION.  9 

the  15th  of  April  last.  I  beg  your  Excellency  will  be  good 
enough  to  accord  to  Mr.  Voruz,  as  early  as  possible,  the  author 
ization  which  I  ask,  as  prescribed  by  the  royal  ordinance  of 
July  12,  1847.  ARMAN." 

The  minister's  reply  to  this  application  ran  as 

follows : 

(.Translation.) 

"MINISTRY  OP  MARINE,  June  6,  1863. 

"  Sir, — I  hasten  to  advise  you  in  reply  to  your  letter  of  the  1st 
instant,  that  I  cheerfully  (wlontiers)  authorize  you  to  equip  with 
an  armament  of  twelve  thirty-pound  guns  the  four  steamships 
now  constructing  of  wood  and  iron  at  Bordeaux  and  Nantes. 
I  will  thank  you  to  inform  me,  in  time,  when  the  ships  will  be 
ready  for  sea,  that  I  may  give  the  necessary  instructions  to  the 
heads  of  the  department  in  these  two  ports. 

"COMTE  P.  DE  CHASSELOUP-LOUBAT." 

That  a  minister  of  marine  was  stupid  enough  to 
believe,  for  a  moment,  that  any  foreign  shipper 
could  be  found  to  build,  equip,  and  arm  four  or  five 
first-class  vessels  of  war,  and  take  his  chance  of 
marketing  them  on  the  other  side  of  the  planet,  was 
not  supposable.  It  would  be  a  wild  enough  scheme 
for  any  one  to  go  to  France  for  one  such  vessel  on 
such  a  venture;  it  was  yet  more  incredible  that 
any  foreign  shipper  could  give  an  order  to  build 
several  vessels  of  war  and  equip  them  in  French 
ports  at  an  expense  of  several  millions  of  dollars 
— an  event  in  itself  quite  without  precedent  in  the 
history  of  France — without  the  emperor  and  his 
ministers  knowing  who  the  foreign  shipper  was. 
To  know  who  ordered  these  ships  was  to  know  the 
service  for  which  they  were  designed,  and  also  to 
know  that  the  destination  assigned  in  the  applica 
tion  and  in  the  license  was  for  purposes  which  the 


10      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

government  could  not  publicly  approve  or  avow, 
and  in  distinct  and  deliberate  violation  of  the  em 
peror's  declaration  of  the  10th  of  June  previous, 
which  forbade  "any  Frenchman  taking  a  commis 
sion  for  the  armament  of  vessels  of  war  for  either  of 
the  two  belligerents,  or  accepting  letters  of  marque, 
or  co-operating  in  any  way  whatsoever  in  the  equip 
ment  or  arming  of  any  vessels  of  war  or  corsair  of 
either  belligerent."  * 

*  The  recent  publication  of  Captain  Bullock's  "  Secret  Service 
of  the  Confederate  States  "  in  Europe  shows  that  the  Confederate 
agents,  in  their  dealings  with  the  Imperial  government,  made  no 
secret  of  the  unlawful  purpose  for  which  the  authorization  to 
build  these  ships  had  been  solicited. 

"When  M.  Arman  applied  to  the  Ministry  of  Marine  and  the 
Colonies,"  says  the  captain,  "for  the  authorization  to  arm  the 
ships,  he  stated  precisely  what  it  was  previously  understood 
by  the  Imperial  government  that  he  should  state,  namely,  that 
the  ships  were  intended  for  a  line  of  packets  between  San  Fran 
cisco,  Japan,  China,  etc. ;  and  that  the  armament  was  required 
for  their  protection  against  pirates  in  the  Eastern  seas,  and,  more 
over,  to  fit  the  vessels  for  a  possible  sale  to  the  Japanese  or  Chi 
nese  governments.  M.  Arman  had  been  told  that  he  must  give 
a  plausible  reason  for  building  such  formidable  ships,  and  that 
the  government  would  not  interfere  with  their  despatch  from 
France,  or  permit  an  inquisitive  inquiry  into  their  ultimate  des 
tination  and  purpose. 

"The  foregoing  was  exactly  in  accordance  with  their  despatch 
from  hints  given  to  Mr.  Slidell  by  persons  in  high  positions  who 
were  in  close  and  constant  intercourse  with  the  emperor.  I 
have  no  means  of  knowing  whether  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  had 
been  informed  of  the  arrangement  with  M.  Arman,  or  the  inti 
mations  conveyed  to  Mr.  Slidell,  but  I  have  the  original  docu 
ment,  signed  by  M.  Chasseloup-Loubat,  Minister  of  Marine  and 
of  the  Colonies,  authorizing  M.  Arman  to  arm  the  ships.  It  will 
be  perceived  that  the  battery  of  each  corvette  was  to  have  been 


THE    CONSPIRACY.  11 

The  evidence  before  me  was  conclusive  that,  un 
less  the  emperor  himself  had  been  deceived,  which 
was  hardly  credible,  he  was  treating  us  with  duplic 
ity  ;  that  he  was  hovering  over  us,  like  the  buzzards 
in  Jerome's  famous  picture  over  the  exhausted  camel 
in  the  desert,  only  deferring  his  descent  until  we 
should  be  too  feeble  to  defend  ourselves.  This  view 
is  now  fully  confirmed,  as  far  as  the  testimony  of 
Captain  Bullock  can  confirm  it.  The  nature  of  the 
arrangement  between  the  Confederate  agents  and 
the  Imperial  government,  of  which  then,  of  course, 
I  knew  nothing,  I  will  give  as  he  professes  to  have 
understood  it,  and  which  I  assume  to  be  in  con 
formity  with  the  version  of  it  which  he  received 
from  Slidell,  the  agent  of  the  Confederacy  in  Paris, 
and  of  Mason,  the  agent  of  the  Confederacy  in 
London : 

twelve  or  fourteen  canons  de  trente,  and  it  will  hardly  be  thought 
credible  that  the  experts  at  the  Ministry  of  Marine,  or  the  offi 
cials  who  inspected  the  guns,  were  deceived  as  to  the  character 
of  the  ships,  or  that  they  ever  thought  such  powerful  armaments 
could  have  been  intended  for  defence  against  Chinese  pirates  in 
the  year  1863. 

#•&###### 
"  It  will  hardly  be  thought  by  any  one  that  if  the  purpose  had 
been  to  conceal  from  the  French  government  the  true  destination 
of  ships  so  wholly  fit  for  war,  and  so  manifestly  unfit  for  com 
merce,  the  attempt  to  deceive  would  have  been  made  through 
the  transparent  pretence  that  they  were  designed  for  a  line  of 
packets  between  San  Francisco  and  China.* 


*  "The  Secret  Service  of  the  Confederate  States,  or  How  the  Con 
federate  Cruisers  were  Equipped,  by  James  D.  Bullock,  Naval  Repre 
sentative  of  the  Confederate  States  in  Europe  during  the  Civil  War." 
2  vols.  London,  1883. 


12      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

"  About  the  middle  of  March,  1863,  Mr.  Slidell  sent  the  business 
agent  of  a  large  shipbuilder  to  inform  me  what  his  principal  could 
undertake,  and  I  went  immediately  to  Paris  to  put  affairs  in  such 
train  that  the  work  could  be  begun  as  soon  as  the  financial  ar 
rangements  were  satisfactorily  settled.  Mr.  Slidell  made  an  ap 
pointment  for  a  joint  consultation  between  himself,  the  builder 
with  whom  he  had  already  conferred,  and  me.  The  class  of 
vessels  and  the  armament  did  not  require  much  consideration  ; 
the  chief,  and  indeed  the  only  important,  points  for  serious  de 
liberation  were  the  terms  of  the  neutrality  proclamation  and  the 
probable  chance  of  getting  the  ships  to  sea  when  completed. 

1 '  The  shipbuilder  who  thus  came  forward  to  supply  our  want 
was  M.  Arman.  His  establishment  was  at  Bordeaux,  he  had 
done  much  work  for  the  French  navy,  was  then  building  two 
iron-cased  floating  batteries,  and  a  very  large  troop-ship  for  the 
government,  and  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  he  had  the  plant 
and  all  the  necessary  staff  and  commercial  credit  to  justify  his 
undertaking  large  contracts  for  any  description  of  ships.  M. 
Arman  was  also  a  deputy  in  the  Corps  Legislatif  for  the  Gironde, 
he  had  been  personally  decorated  in  his  own  shipyard  at  Bor 
deaux  by  the  Emperor,  and,  during  the  whole  period  of  the 
transactions  which  followed,  he  appeared  to  have  no  difficulty 
in  obtaining  personal  interviews  with  the  Minister  of  State,  M. 
Rouher,  and  even  with  his  imperial  majesty  himself. 

"M.  Arman  stated  that  he  had  been  confidentially  informed 
by  the  Minister  of  State  that  the  Emperor  was  willing  for  him 
to  undertake  the  construction  of  ships  for  the  Confederate  gov 
ernment,  and  that  when  the  vessels  were  ready  to  be  delivered 
he  would  be  permitted  to  send  them  to  sea  under  the  French 
flag  to  any  point  which  might  be  agreed  upon  between  him  and 
the  representative  of  the  Confederate  States. 

"I  mentioned  to  M.  Arman  that,  building  the  ships  with  such 
an  assurance  from  the  government,  it  would  not  be  necessary 
to  practise  any  concealment  as  to  their  mere  character  and  equip 
ment,  as  it  would  soon  be  apparent  that  they  were  vessels  in 
tended  not  for  commerce,  but  for  war.  There  was  no  reason 
to  suppose,  I  said,  that  the  United  States  would  be  less  desirous 
to  prevent  ships  leaving  French  than  English  ports,  for  the  ser 
vice  of  the  Confederate  government,  nor  was  it  likely  that  their 
representatives  would  be  less  watchful  in  France  than  they  were 


THE   CONSPIRACY.  13 

in  England,  and  I  suggested  that,  as  soon  as  it  became  apparent 
that  he  was  building  vessels  suitable  for  war,  the  United  States 
Minister  would  learn  the  fact  through  his  spies,  and  he  would 
lay  his  suspicions  before  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  I 
asked  how  he  thought  the  matter  would  then  be  dealt  with  ? 
He  replied  that  the  probability  of  such  an  inquiry  had  been  fully 
considered,  and  he  had  been  informed  that  if  he  would  apply 
to  the  proper  department  for  authorization  to  complete,  arm, 
and  despatch  the  ships  for  a  specified  purpose  which  was  in 
itself  lawful,  the  government  would  not  force  him  to  make  any 
further  or  more  specific  explanations,  but  that  he  would  be  per 
mitted  to  despatch  them  to  the  destination  set  out  in  the  original 
application,  on  the  plea  that  the  government  could  not  impede 
a  legitimate  branch  of  French  trade.  He  furthermore  said  that 
he  had  informed  the  emperor  that  he  purposed  building  the 
ships  for  trading  between  San  Francisco,  China,  and  Japan  ; 
that  they  would  be  clippers,  having  great  speed  both  under  can 
vas  and  steam,  and  would  be  armed  for  defence  against  pirates 
in  the  Eastern  seas,  and  with  the  view  to  possible  sale  either  to 
the  Chinese  or  Japanese  government.  M.  Arraan  assured  us 
that  the  emperor  fully  understood  the  matter,  and  so  did  M. 
Rouher,  and  that  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  arranging  all 
details  with  the  several  executive  departments  under  whose  su 
pervision  it  would  be  necessary  for  him  to  act.  He  should  sim 
ply  state,  without  the  slightest  hesitation,  the  purpose  for  which 
he  was  building  the  ships,  and  ask  for  the  necessary  authoriza 
tion  in  the  usual  formal  matter-of-course  way. 

"I  had  no  means  of  testing  M.  Arman  in  regard  to  his  per 
sonal  communications  with  the  emperor  and  M.  Rouher,  but 
they  confirmed  the  intimations  that  had  been  so  confirmed  to 
Mr.  Slidell  through  persons  of  position  who  were  in  close  rela 
tions  with  the  imperial  court,  and  who  had  inspired  him  with 
confidence  by  having  communicated  other  information  of  ap 
proaching  events  which  proved  to  be  correct,  and  could  not  have 
been  foreseen  or  obtained  by  clandestine  means.  Mr.  Slidell 
was  very  confident  that  the  policy  of  the  Imperial  government, 
and  the  purposes  the  emperor  then  had  in  view,  were  such  as 
to  render  it  very  desirable  that  the  Confederate  States  should 
be  able  to  maintain  their  position,  and  he  had  reason  to  believe 
that  the  Confederate  States  would  be  able  to  maintain  their  po- 


14     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

sition,  and  he  had  also  reason  to  believe  that  the  hesitation  of 
England  alone  prevented  their  recognition  by  France. 

"  My  course  under  the  circumstances  was  clear.  My  instruc 
tions  were  to  keep  as  many  cruisers  at  sea  as  possible,  and  I 
could  only  use  my  own  judgment  to  the  extent  of  determining 
the  best  class  of  vessel,  the  places  where  they  could  be  built 
with  the  least  fear  of  seizure  or  detention,  and  the  mode  of  put 
ting  them  in  commission  as  Confederate  ships-of-war  afterwards. 
The  result  of  the  consultation  with  Mr.  Slidell  was,  that  I  pro 
ceeded  to  Bordeaux,  inspected  M.  Annan's  premises,  and  finally 
arranged  with  him  all  the  particulars  for  four  clipper  corvettes 
of  about  fifteen  hundred  tons,  and  four  hundred  horse-power, 
to  be  armed  with  twelve  or  fourteen  6-inch  rifled  guns— the  canon 
raye  de  trente  of  the  French  navy,  that  gun  being  adopted  be 
cause  of  the  facility  of  having  the  batteries  constructed  in  France 
from  the  official  patterns."  * 

I  was  next  handed  a  paper  purporting  to  be  a 
copy  of  the  contract  between  Bullock  and  Arman. 

As  the  plans  and  specifications  for  the  ships  un 
derwent  some  modifications,  it  is  not  worth  while 
to  recite  the  original  contract  here. 

The  plan  finally  decided  upon  is  thus  set  forth 
by  Captain  Bullock  :f 

"The  design  finally  selected  was  for  a  vessel  of  the  follow 
ing  dimensions  and  steam-power,  the  measurements  reduced  to 
English  standards.  Length  between  perpendiculars,  171  feet  10 
inches;  breadth  outside  of  armor,  32  feet  8  inches  ;  mean  draught 
with  220  tons  of  coal,  battery  and  all  stores  on  board,  14  feet 
and  4  inches.  Engine  three  hundred  horse-power  nominal,  twin 
screws,  working  separately  so  as  to  be  capable  of  a  counter  mo 
tion  at  the  same  time.  The  armor-plating  was  4J  inches  amid 
ships,  tapering  gradually  to  3^  at  the  extremities,  in  single  plates, 
manufactured  by  Messrs.  Petin-Gaudet  &  Co.,  at  Rive  de  Gier. 
The  details  of  specification  for  ship  and  engines  provided  for 

*  Bullock's  "  Secret  Service  of  the  Confederate  States,"  vol.  ii., 
pg.  25-28.  '  t  Ibid.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  33-34. 


THE  SHIPS.  15 

everything  to  be  of  the  best  quality,  conforming  in  dimensions 
and  material  to  the  types  of  the  Imperial  navy,  and  the  guaran 
teed  speed  was  not  less  than  twelve  knots  in  smooth  sea  with 
220  to  290  tons  of  coal.  In  calculating  the  displacement,  100 
tons  was  allowed  for  guns  and  ordnance  stores,  and  the  arrange 
ment  was  to  have  one  heavy  gun  forward,  to  be  mounted  in  a 
fixed  armor  turret  so  as  to  be  fired  in  the  line  of  the  keel  or  on 
either  bow,  and  two  6-inch  rifled  guns  in  an  after  turret  or  case 
mate.  The  bow-guns  were  to  be  300-pounders  of  the  Armstrong 
pattern,  and  they  were  made  to  M.  Arman's  order  by  Sir  Will 
iam  Armstrong,  at  Elswick.  The  lighter  guns  were  to  be  made 
in  France."* 

*  Two  70-pounder  Armstrong  guns  were  afterwards  substituted. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Appeal  from  the  Government  of  France  to  the  People  of  France. 
— Remonstrances  of  Mr.  Dayton. — Berryer's  Opinion. 

I  FELT  that  I  now  held  in  my  hands  all  the  proofs 
that  could  be  of  any  use  in  changing  the  destina 
tion  of  these  ships,  four  of  which  at  least  threatened 
to  be  more  formidable  on  the  high  seas  than  any 
ships  in  our  navy,  and  each  of  which,  I  supposed,  to 
be  capable  of  entering  the  harbor  of  New  York  and 
of  laying  the  vast  wealth  of  our  commercial  me 
tropolis  under  contribution  with  comparative  im 
punity. 

I  had,  First,  the  letters  of  the  ship-builders  at 
Bordeaux  and  Nantes,  acknowledging  that  they 
were  building  together  four  vessels-of-war,  of  the 
most  formidable  description,  "for  the  Confederate 
States." 

Second.  A  copy  of  their  application  for  a  license 
to  build  these  ships,  which  was  based  entirely  on 
false  representations. 

Third.  An  official  copy  of  the  license,  which 
showed,  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt,  that  the 
emperor  and  his  Minister  of  Marine,  if  no  other 
members  of  his  ministry,  were  presumptively  ac 
complices  in  the  fraud. 

Fourth.  I  had  a  letter  from  the  agent  of  the 


DAYTON  AND  DROUYN  DE  LHUYS.  17 

Confederates,  stating  that  these  ships  were  build 
ing  for  them  under  his  directions ;  and, 

Finally,  I  had  the  official  letter  of  the  diplomatic 
representative  of  the  Confederate  States,  approving 
of  the  contract  and  guaranteeing  the  price  of  them. 

Thus  the  whole  ground  was  covered,  and  cov 
ered  too  by  testimony  which  required  no  supple 
mentation;  testimony  before  which,  at  sight,  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  must  bow  or  take  an  at 
titude  of  unequivocal  hostility  to  the  United  States. 

The  documents  furnished  me  by  Mr.  X,  first  and 
last,  reached  to  twenty-one  in  number,  some  orig 
inal  and  some  authentic  copies,  all  of  which  I 
promptly  transmitted  to  Mr.  Dayton,  then  at  the 
head  of  our  legation  in  Paris,  by  whom  they  were 
submitted  to  the  French  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  was  surprised  and  vexed, 
but  cautious.  He  saw  in  these  papers  new  evidence 
of  what  he  had  enough  already — that  he  had  but  a 
limited  share  of  the  emperor's  confidence.  He 
knew  that  Chasseloup,  the  Minister  of  Marine, 
was  the  most  unlikely  of  men  to  have  signed  the 
"authorization"  exhibited  to  him  by  Mr.  Dayton, 
except  at  the  instance  of  some  power  superior  to 
his  own.  He  asked  time  to  look  into  it,  and,  of 
course,  showered  protestations  that  the  neutrality 
of  the  Imperial  government  should  not  be  com 
promised.  He  dared  not  promise  the  obvious  and 
only  just  and  lawful  relief  which  the  situation 
called  for,  for  he  was  not  sure  that  such  a  promise 
could  be  kept ;  he,  therefore,  did  all  and  the  best  a 
minister  could  do,  who  was  not  ready  to  resign  his 


18      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

portfolio  rather  than  be  made  a  party  to  a  shabby 
conspiracy  against  a  power  to  which  he  was  daily 
making  professions  of  friendship. 

We  did  not  have  to  await  the  teachings  of  subse 
quent  events  to  be  convinced  that  the  Imperial  gov 
ernment  was  tolerating,  if  not  encouraging,  the 
operations  of  Slidell  and  Bullock,  and  that  so  long 
as  the  result  of  the  struggle  beyond  the  Atlantic 
was  so  uncertain  that  the  accession  of  one  of  M. 
Arman's  rams  might  suffice  to  determine  it  in  favor 
of  the  Confederates,  little  heed  would  be  given  to 
Mr.  Dayton's  remonstrances.  It  would  never  do  to 
leave  the  disposition  of  these  ships  to  the  secret  and 
tedious  processes  of  diplomacy.  In  three  months' 
time,  if  the  work  were  permitted  to  go  on — and 
under  one  pretext  or  another  the  government  re 
fused  to  stop  it — they  might  be  afloat.  The  gov 
ernment  was  obviously  disposed  to  afford  them 
every  facility,  which  could  be  permitted  without 
compromising  the  letter  of  its  engagements  with 
the  United  States,  to  embark  upon  their  work  of 
devastation ;  nor  was  it  to  be  hoped  for,  much  less 
expected,  that  respect  for  those  relations  would  have 
any  weight  should  a  serious  disaster  befall  the  Union 
arms.  The  only  way  that  remained  to  reinforce 
the  weapons  of  diplomacy  and  to  make  the  em 
peror  respect  his  neutral  engagements  was  for  us 
to  take  an  appeal,  if  we  could,  to  the  only  power  of 
which  he  stood  in  awe.  How  this  appeal  should  be 
made,  under  a  despotic  government  like  that  under 
which  France  was  groaning  at  this  time,  was  the 
problem.  The  press  was  enslaved,  the  government 


BERRYER.  19 

hostile,  and  the  people  quite  ignorant  of  the  schemes 
which  seemed  to  be  maturing  at  the  Tuileries. 
After  a  careful  survey  of  the  whole  ground,  it  was 
finally  decided  to  procure,  if  possible,  the  best  legal 
authority  in  France  to  denounce  the  contracts  of 
Bullock  and  Arman  as  both  unlawful  and  criminal. 
Fortified  with  such  an  opinion,  we  counted  upon 
getting  the  facts  before  the  European  public 
through  the  Corps  Legislatif ,  by  forcing  discussions 
in  that  body  where  the  government  would  labor 
under  the  great  disadvantage  of  having  no  resource 
but  silence  or  retreat.  The  press  would  give  to  the 
debates  in  the  national  legislature  a  publicity  which 
it  would  not  be  permitted  to  give  to  the  same  facts 
emanating  from  any  other  source. 

Among  the  members  of  the  French  bar  there  was 
one  whose  position  was  unique,  and  whose  alliance 
I  determined,  if  possible,  to  secure  at  once.  This 
was  M.  Berry er.*  For  more  than  twenty  years  he 
had  been  the  recognized  head  of  his  profession,  and 
at  this  time  was  a  member  of  the  Corps  Legislatif — 
a  by  no  means  secondary  qualification  for  usefulness 
to  us  in  this  crisis.  He  was  a  Legitimist  in  politics, 
which,  in  itself,  gave  him  more  influence  with  the 
Chamber  in  those  days  than  if  he  had  been  a  Kepub- 
lican — as  were  most  of  the  opposition  with  whom, 
on  all  party  questions,  he  habitually  voted. 

The  opposition  at  this  time  was  fortunate  enough 
to  embrace  five  or  six  of  the  best  debaters  not  only 
in  that  but  in  any  other  legislative  body  in  the 

*  Antoine  Pierre  Berryer,  born,  1790;  died,  1809. 


20      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

world.  There  were  besides  M.  Berryer,  M.  Thiers, 
M.  Jules  Favre,  Eugene  Pelletan,  Emile  Olivier,  and 
M.  Ferry.  Either  one  of  these  was  a  more  effective 
popular  debater  than  any  of  the  deputies  of  the  ad 
ministration.  But  of  all  the  members  of  his  parlia 
ment  there  was  no  one  whose  criticism  the  emperor 
would  make  greater  sacrifices  to  avoid,  or  whose 
word  in  behalf  of  the  American  Republic  would 
carry  as  much  weight  with  the  people,  as  that  of 
the  most  eminent  and  most  eloquent  of  the  living 
representatives  of  the  Bourbon  dynasty. 

I  at  once  took  measures  to  put  myself  in  relation 
with  M.  Berryer.  Finding  he  had  not  yet  returned 
from  his  summer  vacation,  I  made  known  to  my 
friend,  M.  Henri  Moreau,  also  an  advocate  and  pro 
fessionally  associated  with  M.  Berryer,  my  desire  to 
pay  my  respects  to  his  distinguished  colleague,  and 
in  a  day  or  two  I  received  an  invitation,  of  which 
I  promptly  availed  myself,  to  visit  him  at  Auger- 
ville,  his  country  place.  In  the  course  of  my  visit, 
after  referring  to  the  somewhat  tense  relations 
which  had  been  growing  up  between  his  govern 
ment  and  mine  as  my  excuse  for  mixing  a  little 
business  with  pleasure,  I  called  his  attention  to  the 
Imperial  declaration  of  neutrality,*  which  by  a  sin- 

*  The  imperial  declaration  was  as  follows : 

"  PARIS,  IQth  June. 

"DECLARATION. 

"His  Majesty  of  the  French,  taking  into  consideration  the 
peaceful  relations  existing  between  France  and  the  United  States 
of  America,  has  resolved  to  maintain  a  strict  neutrality  in  the 


THE  PROCLAMATION  OF  NEUTRALITY.  21 

gular  coincidence  appeared  in  the  Moniteur  the  very 
same  week  in  which  the  authorization  to  build  the 
Confederate  ships  was  accorded  by  the  Minister  of 

struggle  between  the  Union  government  and  the  States  which 
pretend  to  form  a  special  confederation. 

"Consequently,  his  majesty,  in  consideration  of  article  14 
of  the  ordinance  of  the  marine,  of  the  month  of  August,  1861 ; 
of  article  3,  of  the  law  of  the  10th  of  April,  1825;  articles  84 
and  85  of  the  penal  code;  65,  and  following  ones,  from  the 
decree  of  the  24th  of  March,  1852;  313,  and  following  ones,  of 
the  maritime  penal  code,  and  the  article  21  of  the  code  Napoleon, 

' '  Declares : 

"1.  It  will  not  be  permitted  to  any  ship-of-war  or  corsair  of 
one  or  other  of  the  belligerents  to  enter  and  sojourn  with  their 
captures  in  our  ports  or  harbors  for  more  than  twenty- four  hours, 
excepting  in  cases  of  distress. 

"2.  No  sale  of  captured  objects  can  take  place  in  our  said 
ports  or  harbors. 

"3.  It  is  forbidden  to  any  Frenchman  to  take  orders  from 
either  party  to  arm  ships-of-war,  or  to  accept  letters-of-marque 
for  privateering,  or  to  concur  in  any  manner  in  the  equipment  or 
armament  of  a  ship-of-war  or  corsair,  of  either  party. 

"4.  It  is  likewise  forbidden  to  any  Frenchman,  residing  either 
in  France  or  foreign  countries,  to  enroll  himself,  or  to  take  service 
in  the  army,  or  either  on  land  or  on  board  vessels-of-war  or  cor 
sairs,  of  either  belligerent. 

"5.  Frenchmen,  residing  in  France  or  in  foreign  countries, 
will  likewise  abstain  from  any  act  which,  committed  in  violation 
of  the  laws  of  the  empire  or  of  the  rights  of  nations,  might  be 
considered  as  an  act  hostile  to  either  party  and  contrary  to  the 
neutrality  which  we  have  resolved  to  observe. 

"All  persons  offending  a'gainst  the  prohibitions  and  recom 
mendations  contained  in  this  declaration  will  be  prosecuted  in 
conformity  with  the  provisions  of  the  10th  of  April,  1825,  and 
articles  84  and  85  of  the  penal  code:  subject,  however,  to  the 
said  offenders  of  the  provisions  of  article  21  of  the  code  Napo 
leon,  and  of  articles  65,  and  the  following,  of  the  decree  of  the 
24th  of  March,  1852,  in  relation  to  the  merchant  marine,  number 


22      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

Marine.  When  he  had  run  his  eye  over  it — he  had 
not  seen  it  before — I  told  him  somewhat  in  detail 
of  the  Confederate  operations  at  Bordeaux  and 
Nantes,  of  the  contract  approved  by  Slidell,  and  the 
payments  guaranteed  by  Erlanger. 

He  expressed  considerable  astonishment,  and 
finally  said  emphatically  that,  if  the  emperor  per 
mitted  the  contract  of  Arman  with  Bullock  to  be 
executed  it  would  be  only  because  he  had  deter 
mined  to  abandon  his  attitude  of  neutrality,  for 
there  could  be  no  doubt  that  the  vessels  construct 
ing  under  that  contract  fell  within  the  restrictions 
of  his  declaration  of  neutrality.  But,  he  added,  in 
a  half -angry  tone,  nothing  can  be  done  in  the  courts 
that  does  not  suit  the  emperor.  He  then  launched 
out  into  a  thrilling  enumeration  of  the  grievances 
under  which  his  countrymen  were  groaning,  "so 
humiliating  to  an  intelligent  people."  They  are 
kept  in  dense  ignorance,  he  added,  of  what  it  does 
not  suit  the  government  to  have  them  know ;  the 
journals  are  told  what  they  may  and  may  not  say ; 
the  foreign  press  is  sifted  of  everything  calculated 
to  open  the  nation's  eyes,  and  even  the  courts  of 
justice  are  servile  ministers  of  the  Imperial  policy. 

313,  and  the  succeeding  provisions  of  the  penal  code  for  the  ma 
rine  force. 

"His  majesty  declares  further  that  every  Frenchman  who 
shall  not  conform  to  the  preceding  directions  shall  have  no 
claim  to  any  protection  from  his  government  against  any  act  or 
measure  whatsoever  which  the  belligerents  may  do  or  decree 
against  him.  ' '  NAPOLEON. 

' '  The  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 

"E.  THOUVENEL." 


VISIT  TO  AUGERVILLE.  23 

Having  satisfied  myself  as  to  the  main  object  of 
my  visit,  that  Berryer's  sympathies  were  cordially 
with  us,  that  he  had  neither  professional  nor  political 
reasons  for  declining  to  use  our  ammunition  against 
the  common  enemy,  and  that  a  professional  appoint 
ment  must  be  made  with  him  for  more  definite  and 
practical  results,  we  went  for  our  hats  to  take  a 
stroll  through  his  grounds.  He  paid  little  attention 
to  the  familiar  beauties  of  nature  which  were  divid 
ing  with  him  my  interest  and  attention,  but  seemed 
absorbed  with  the  questions  to  which  the  informa 
tion  I  had  communicated  had  given  additional  im 
portance. 

He  deplored  the  Mexican  expedition,  which  he 
said  he  could  not  comprehend;  neither  could  he 
comprehend  the  emperor's  passion  for  expeditions 
to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  which  were  exhausting 
the  energies  of  France,  without  giving  her  wealth 
or  glory.  He  seemed  surprised  and  incredulous 
when  I  told  him  that  I  had  information  which  led 
me  to  believe  that  the  Archduke  Maximilian  would 
accept  the  crown  of  Mexico.  He  asked  if  the  uncle, 
of  Belgium,  would  approve  of  such  an  arrangement. 
I  gave  my  reasons  for  thinking  that  any  objections 
King  Leopold  might  have  entertained  had  been 
overcome.  He  said  he  had  known  the  archduke 
personally ;  that  he  was  un  esprit  vague,  and  was 
no  doubt  influenced  through  some  of  the  infirmi 
ties  of  his  character  to  yield  to  this  temptation; 
"  but,"  he  asked,  with  some  vehemence,  "  what  is 
the  good  of  all  this  to  France  ?" 

"  That  she  may  collect  the  seven  hundred  thousand 


24      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

francs  that  are  owing  to  her  citizens  in  Mexico,"  I 
answered,  with  affected  gravity. 

"  Yes,"  said  he,  with  a  grim  smile,  "  to  fill  the 
pockets  of  speculators." 

His  expression  then  becoming  more  serious,  he 
said  that  he  feared  that  the  Mexican  enterprise  was 
destined  to  embroil  France  with  the  United  States, 
which  he  thought  would  be  a  result  every  way  to  be 
deplored.  He  then  asked,  with  increased  earnest 
ness,  what  were  our  chances  of  maintaining  the 
Union.  I  recapitulated  the  familiar  reasons  on 
which  all  loyal  Americans  nourished  their  faith; 
spoke  of  our  marvellous  artillery,  of  the  one  hun 
dred  war-vessels  we  were  building,  and  the  incon 
venience  they  might  prove  to  England's  commerce 
if  she  violated  her  neutral  obligations. 

"  But,"  said  he,  interrupting  me, "  how  about  our 
commerce  ?  would  we  not  suffer  equally  ?" 

I  replied  that  France  had  comparatively  little 
oceanic  commerce.  He  shrugged  his  shoulders,  and 
said, "  How  lucky  we  have  no  commerce !"  and  then 
he  told  the  story  of  a  steady -going  shop-keeper 
in  the  time  of  the  first  revolution  who  comforted 
himself  with  the  reflection  that,  while  many  of  his 
friends  and  neighbors  were  in  a  good  deal  of  trouble, 
he  had  a  place  in  the  National  Guard;  that  the 
duty  of  patrolling  the  streets  at  night  was  not  very 
hard,  and,  to  crown  his  good  luck,  there  was  no 
business  doing,  point  du  commerce. 

"  So  we,"  said  Berryer, "  shall  be  fortunate,  I  sup 
pose,  having  no  commerce,  if  we  stumble  on  a  war, 
to  keep  us  occupied  till  our  business  revives." 


VISIT  TO  AUGERVILLE.  25 

He  said  he  could  no  longer  stand  the  way  things 
were  going  on.  Though  an  old  man,  he  was  deter 
mined  to  do  what  he  could  to  make  the  nation  com 
prehend  its  position.  He  went  on  to  say  that  there 
was  a  very  large  number  of  soi-disant  Imperialists 
who  were  dissatisfied  with  the  Mexican  expedition, 
and  who  thought  just  as  he  did  about  recognizing 
the  Confederate  organization  in  America,  but  who, 
nevertheless,  would  not  vote  against  the  govern 
ment.  The  reason  they  gave  to  him  for  this  refu 
sal  was,  that  a  defeat  of  the  government  would 
bring  on  a  crisis,  ruin  the  public  credit,  and  then 
would  come  all  the  evils,  tried  and  untried,  which 
usually  follow  in  the  train  of  revolutions  in  France. 

"When  I  said  that  I  had  lost  no  opportunity  with 
my  government  and  compatriots  to  cultivate  the 
friendly  dispositions  which  I  found  everywhere 
among  the  French  people  for  our  republic,  he  said : 

"  You  are  very  right  to  do  so ;  in  this  business 
the  people  and  the  government  are  quite  distinct. 
The  French  people  are  indisposed  to  take  any  steps 
unfriendly  to  the  United  States.  Unfortunately  the 
emperor  has  one  great  advantage  over  us  French 
people.  He  can  pursue  his  plans  steadily,  and  with 
out  being  led  aside  by  his  amour  propre,  whereas 
we  French  people  always  make  our  interests  sec 
ondary  where  our  national  pride  is  involved.  '  In 
that  way  he  is  leading  us  a  chase  whither  nobody 
seems  to  know  but  himself;  and  before  we  are 
aware  of  it,  or  can  help  ourselves,  he  may  get  our 
vanity  on  his  side." 

Of  England  and  of  her  policy  towards  the  United 
2 


26      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

States  as  well  as  towards  France  he  spoke  in  a  tone 
of  extreme  bitterness.  He  denounced  the  Anglo- 
French  alliance,  said  it  had  been  fatal  to  every  sov 
ereign  in  France  who  had  embraced  it,  that  it  had 
brought  Charles  X.  and  Louis  Philippe  to  grief, 
and  that  in  the  end  he  believed  it  would  prove 
equally  disastrous  to  the  emperor.  It  certainly 
would  if  it  should  lead  him  into  any  combination 
against  the  United  States.  He  then  remarked  that, 
as  I  might  suppose  from  his  past  political  associa 
tions,  he  favored  the  policy  of  Louis  XVI.  towards 
America,  and  he  felt  that  the  substantial  interests  of 
France  were  identified  with  our  unity  and  strength. 

I  left  him  perfectly  satisfied  that,  what  with  his 
prejudices — shall  I  call  them — against  the  Imperial 
government,  his  reverence  for  the  traditions  of  his 
party  and  his  respect  for  national  rights,  there  was 
no  danger,  to  say  the  least,  of  his  giving,  conscious 
ly,  any  aid  or  comfort  to  our  enemies. 

Immediately  upon  my  return  to  Paris  I  proceed 
ed  to  make  up  a  case  for  his  opinion  and  sent  it  to 
him,  with  all  the  documentary  evidence  in  my  pos 
session. 

Meantime,  under  instructions  from  Washington, 
Mr.  Dayton  had  formally  remonstrated  with  the 
Imperial  government  for  permitting  its  ports  to  be 
made  the  bases  of  warlike  operations  against  the 
United  States.  In  describing  one  of  his  interviews 
with  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  about  this 
time  Mr.  Dayton  wrote  to  Mr.  Seward : 

"M.  Brouyn  de  Lhuys  seems  to  be  quite  restive  under  this 
recent  and  constant  use  of  the  French  ports  by  the  Confeder- 


BERRYER'S   OPINION.  27 

ates.  He  says  it  cannot  have  resulted  from  accident,  but  that 
it  is  intended  to  compromise  his  government.  I  told  him  that 
this  was  doubtless  so,  when  he  added  that  they  would  not  be 
compromised ;  that  they  meant  to  remain  neutral.  He  said  that 
if  there  was  any  person  to  whom  he  might  properly  address  him 
self  he  would  give  them  to  understand  that  their  action  upon 
this  subject  was  disagreeable." 

Towards  the  end  of  November  I  received  M. 
Berryer's  opinion.  It  was  all  that  we  could  have 
wished.  It  filled  about  thirty  foolscap  pages.  Af 
ter  reciting  the  facts,  it  set  forth  the  provisions  of 
laws  and  decrees  which  had  been  violated,  then  the 
parties  inculpated  by  the  operations  at  Bordeaux 
and  Nantes,  and  finally  the  courses  of  procedure 
by  which  they  could  be  punished.* 

*  For  the  text  of  this  opinion  see  Appendix  A,  No.  1. 


CHAPTER   III. 

An  Instruction  from  Secretary  Seward. — The  French  Press  Far- 
bidden  to  Publish  Berryer's  Opinion. —  The  Emperor's  Address 
from  the  Throne.— The  Corps  Legislatif  not  Permitted  to  Dis 
cuss  the  Arman  Amendment. — Protest  from  Mr.  Seward. 

>• 

How  to  get  Mr.  Berryer's  opinion  and  the  facts 
which  it  recited  before  the  public  was  the  next 
question,  and  one  not  easy  of  answer.  It  was  idle 
to  ask  the  hospitality  of  any  administration  journals 
for  such  a  document,  and  the  penalties  for  publish 
ing  anything  not  acceptable  to  the  government — 
this  certainly  would  not  be  acceptable — were  so 
very  serious  that  I  had  little  hope  of  success  with 
the  journals  of  the  opposition.  There  was  one 
print,  however,  upon  which  I  was  encouraged  to 
make  the  experiment.  The  Opinion  Rationale 
was  an  opposition  paper  of  Republican  tendencies, 
and  commonly  regarded  as  the  organ  of  Prince 
Napoleon,  who,  in  those  days,  affected  popular 
principles,  at  least  so  far  as  hostility  to  the  occu 
pants  of  the  Tuileries  was  a  popular  principle. 
The  editor,  M.  Gueroult,  was  an  accomplished  man, 
and,  after  the  Debats,  his  paper  of  all  the  opposition 
journals  then  enjoyed  rather  the  largest  share  of 
public  esteem.  Its  American  department,  too,  was 
edited  by  a  gentleman  who  was  in  fullest  sympathy 
with  the  Union  cause,  and  with  whom  I  was  in 


THE  OPINION  SUPPRESSED.  29 

almost  daily  communication.  Through  him  I  sent 
to  M.  Gueroult  a  copy  of  M.  Berryer's  "consulta 
tion,"  and  authorized  him  to  say  that  I  would  be 
very  much  gratified  to  see  it  at  length  in  the  col 
umns  of  his  journal.  I  received  a  prompt  assurance 
that  it  would  appear  immediately,  and  I  proceeded 
to  make  arrangements  for  a  liberal  distribution  of 
it,  not  only  in  France,  but  throughout  Europe ;  but 
M.  Gueroult  as  well  as  I  had  reckoned  without  our 
host.  The  "consultation"  was  all  in  type,  and 
ready  to  go  upon  the  press,  when  notice  arrived 
from  the  Minister  of  the  Interior  that  its  publica 
tion  could  not  be  allowed.  Though  disappointed, 
I  was  not  surprised,  for  I  was  already  familiar  with 
the  difficulty  of  getting  anything  printed  in  Paris 
that  was  not  likely  to  prove  acceptable  to  the 
government.  I  took  my  revenge  in  mentioning 
the  existence  of  such  a  document,  and  its  suppression 
by  the  imperial  censor,  wherever  and  whenever  I 
met  any  one  by  whom  the  bearing  and  significance 
of  these  facts  would  be  appreciated.  I  knew  that 
the  suppression  of  an  opinion  by  Berryer  on  an 
international  question  did  not  need  the  press  to 
get  it  into  circulation,  though  it  might,  to  secure 
the  advantages  of  a  public  discussion.  About  this 
time  Mr.  Dayton's  remonstrances  were  effectually 
reinforced  by  an  admirable  "  instruction  "  from  Mr. 
Seward,  bearing  date  December  IV,  and  written 
with  Paris  dates  before  him  to  November  17.  In 
this  despatch  he  said : 

"  You  will  persevere  in  these  remonstrances  if  occasion  shall 
warrant,  and  represent  to  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  that  for  more 


30      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

than  two  years  this  government  has  borne,  but  has  never  ac 
quiesced  in,  a  policy  of  France  and  Great  Britain  in  which  they 
have  recognized  as  a  naval  belligerent  a  domestic  insurrection 
in  this  country  which  has  not  held  nor  had  a  port  or  harbor, 
either  in  the  region  it  claims  or  elsewhere ;  all  of  whose  ships 
are  built,  manned,  and  equipped  in  the  waters  of  Great  Britain 
and  France  themselves,  and  all  of  whose  nautical  proceedings  are 
conducted  either  in  those  waters  or  on  the  high  seas,  as  an  out 
law  from  their  own  country  and  from  all  other  civilized  states. 
These  proceedings  have  been  the  subject  of  unremitting  com 
plaints  and  remonstrances. 

"  For  all  the  loss  and  damages  which  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  have  sustained  by  the  depredations  of  the  vessels  in  ques 
tion,  the  United  States,  as  they  believe  justly,  hold  the  govern 
ments  of  the  countries  from  which  they  have  proceeded  respon 
sible,  whenever  they  have  been  duly  forewarned  and  have 
omitted  proper  measures  to  prevent  the  departure  of  said  hostile 
expeditions.  During  all  this  time  we  have  been  at  peace  with 
France  and  Great  Britain.  We  have  practised  absolute  non 
interference  between  them  and  their  enemies  in  war,  and  have 
even  lent  them  the  advantages  of  counsel  with  moral  influence, 
to  enable  them  to  attain,  without  dishonor,  the  advantages  of 
peace.  We  have  excused  the  unkindness  of  which  we  have 
complained,  on  the  ground  that  our  own  disloyal  citizens,  whom 
we  could  not  effectually  control,  have  been  active  and  skilful  in 
misleading  public  opinion  in  regard  to  the  merits  and  probable 
results  of  our  civil  war. 

"The  evil,  nevertheless,  is  becoming  very  serious,  and  is 
rapidly  alienating  the  national  sentiments  of  the  United  States. 
Our  commerce  is  forced  to  seek  protection  under  the  flags  of  the 
very  governments  which  afford  the  shelter  of  which  we  com- 
-plain  to  the  enemies  engaged  in  devastating  it.  We  fully  be 
lieve  that  in  like  circumstances  neither  France  nor  Great  Britain 
would  endure  such  injuries  as  we  are  suffering  through  the  pol 
icy  they  have  established,  unless,  indeed,  like  the  United  States, 
they  were  at  the  same  moment  engaged  in  a  formidable  war, 
either  at  home  or  abroad.  The  political  drama  is  inconstant ;  the 
scene  may  soon  change.  We  may,  at  no  distant  day  be  at  peace; 
and  in  the  chances  of  the  hour,  European  maritime  powers  may 
become  belligerents.  Is  it  wise  to  leave  open  between  them  and 


THE  ARMAN  AMENDMENT.  31 

the  United  States  questions  which,  in  such  an  unfortunate  con 
juncture,  would  produce  confusion  with  regard  to  our  own 
practice  of  neutral  rights. "  * 

Early  in  January  an  opportunity  for  getting  our 
case  before  the  public  presented  itself,  which  prom 
ised  to  be  even  more  auspicious  than  that  which 
had  measurably  failed.  M.  Arman  offered  an 
amendment  to  the  address  of  the  emperor  in  the 
Corps  Legislatif,  by  which  the  Imperial  govern 
ment  was  recommended  to  encourage  the  peace-at- 
any-price  party  in  the  United  States,  and  by  all 
means  in  its  power  to  discourage  the  further  pros 
ecution  of  the  war.  This  amendment  ran  as  fol 
lows  : 

"  We  are  united  in  the  hope  of  seeing  realized  the  good  re 
sults  foreseen  by  your  majesty,  and  we  pray  that  a  friendly 
mediation  may  finally  accomplish  the  reconciliation  of  the  vari 
ous  states  of  the  American  Union,  for  which  the  interests  of  the 
people  and  of  European  commerce  more  loudly  call." 

I  immediately  called  upon  M.  Berryer  and  told 
him  of  Arman's  amendment,  which  he  had  not 
noticed,  and  to  which,  singularly  enough,  no  allu 
sion  had  been  made  by  any  Paris  journal,  a  silence 
which  could  not  have  been  accidental.  I  remarked 
to  M.  Berryer  that,  according  to  the  best  informa 
tion  I  had  been  able  to  obtain,  M.  Arman  intended  to 
call  up  his  motion  in  about  eight  or  ten  days,  and  I 
suggested  that  while  he  should  be  on  his  feet,  an 
admirable  opportunity  would  be  presented  to  some 
member  to  ask  whether  the  vessels  he  was  building 
at  Bordeaux  were  calculated  or  designed  to  pro- 

*  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  1864-5,  part  iii.  p.  7. 


32      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

mote  the  kind  of  peace  which  he  was,  by  his  resolu 
tion,  commending  the  government  to  cultivate. 
Such  an  inquiry,  I  suggested,  would  put  M.  Arman 
on  his  purgation ;  would  furnish  the  opportunity  of 
bringing  before  the  country  his  and  its  unlawful 
relations  with  the  Confederates,  in  such  a  way  as  to 
bring  on  a  general  discussion  of  the  subject,  and,  I 
hoped,  compel  the  government  to  respond  to  Mr. 
Dayton's  remonstrances  a  little  more  categorically 
and  promptly.  M.  Berryer  thought  well  of  the 
suggestion,  but  he  said  it  would  not  do  for  a  deputy 
to  proceed  upon  knowledge  obtained  from  the  docu 
ments  I  had  exhibited  to  him  until  they  had  been 
published,  and  in  some  way  authenticated,  so  as 
not  to  expose  the  deputy  who  should  make  the  inter 
pellation  to  the  necessity  of  revealing  the  source 
of  his  information.  I  told  him  that  many  of  the 
facts  had  already  appeared  in  the  papers,  of  which 
I  would  furnish  him  copies,  and  that  I  would  en 
deavor  to  persuade  M.  Gueroult  to  get  the  rest  in 
one  way  or  another  into  the  columns  of  the  Opin 
ion  Rationale.  I  at  the  same  time  directed  his 
attention  to  the  joint  application  of  the  French 
and  English  government  made  in  1854,  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States  to  join  in  an  en 
gagement  not  to  equip  vessels  to  prey  upon  the 
commerce  of  their  respective  countries  in  time  of 
war,  an  engagement  which  Arman  had  audaciously 
invoked  in  behalf  of  his  amendment.  I  at  the 
same  time  gave  him  the  points  made  on  that  sub 
ject  in  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  I  had 
received  not  long  before  from  Mr.  Cobden  : 


COBDEN'S  LETTER.  33 

"In  1854,  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  Crimean  war,  a  com 
munication  was  sent  by  England  and  France  to  the  American 
government,  expressing  a  confident  hope  that  it  would,  in  the 
spirit  of  just  reciprocity,  give  orders  that  no  privateer  under 
Russian  colors  shall  be  equipped,  or  victualled,  or  admitted  with 
its  prizes  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States,  etc.  It  has  occurred 
to  me  to  call  your  attention  to  this,  although  I  dare  say  it  has 
not  escaped  Mr.  Dayton's  recollection.  But  I  should  be  curious 
to  know  what  answer  the  French  government  would  now  make 
if  its  own  former  language  was  quoted,  against  the  course  now 
being  taken  at  Brest,  in  repairing,  and,  I  suppose,  victualling  the 
Florida.  If  the  answer  be  that  this  vessel  is  not  a  privateer,  but 
a  regularly  commissioned  ship-of-war,  then  I  think  the  oppor 
tunity  should  not  be  lost  to  put  on  record  a  rejoinder  to  this 
argument  showing  the  futility  of  the  Declaration  of  Paris  against 
privateering;  for,  if  a  vessel  sailing  under  a  form  of  authority 
issued  by  Jefferson  Davis,  and  called  a  'commission,'  can  do 
all  the  mischief  to  your  merchant  vessels  which  another  would 
do  carrying  another  piece  of  paper  called  a  letter-of-marque,  it 
is  obvious  that  the  renunciation  of  privateering  by  the  Paris 
Congress  is  a  mere  empty  phrase,  and  all  the  boasted  gain  to 
humanity  is  nothing  but  a  delusion,  if  not  a  hollow  subterfuge. 

"I  think  it  might  be  well  if  Mr.  Dayton  were  to  take  this  oppor 
tunity  of  justifying  the  policy  of  the  United  States,  in  refusing 
to  be  a  party  to  the  Declaration  of  Paris,  unless  private  property 
at  sea  was  exempt  from  capture  by  armed  ships  of  all  kinds. 
The  argument  would  be  valuable  for  reproduction  at  a  future 
time,  when  the  question  of  belligerent  rights  comes  up  again  for 
discussion." 

By  the  introduction  of  this  topic  into  the  debate, 
it  was  suggested  that  it  would  broaden  the  issue, 
increase  the  difficulties  of  evading  a  discussion, 
compel  the  government  either  to  annul  the  con 
tracts  of  Arman  with  the  Confederates  or  disclose 
its  purposes  and  expose  the  hollowness  of  the  so- 
called  Paris  Declaration  for  which  the  Imperial 
government  and  press  had  taken  to  themselves 
2* 


34      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

much  credit  at  our  expense.  M.  Berryer  seemed  to 
fall  in  with  these  views  entirely,  and  at  his  request 
I  lost  no  time  in  furnishing  him  with  all  the  mate 
rials  likely  to  be  required  for  the  proposed  interpel 
lation. 

Meantime,  on  the  1st  of  February,  1864,  Mr.  Day 
ton,  in  pursuance  of  an  intimation  from  "Washing 
ton,  addressed  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
a  formal  protest  against  the  facilities  extended  to 
the  Confederates  for  fitting  and  arming  vessels  in 
French  ports  to  prey  upon  our  commerce.  On 
the  same  day  Mr.  Seward  wrote  Mr.  Dayton  as 
follows : 

"  Your  proceeding  in  giving  notice  to  the  French  government 
that  the  United  States  will  feel  themselves  entitled  and  obliged 
to  look  to  that  government  for  indemnity  for  the  injuries  she 
may  produce,  is  approved.  It  will  be  necessary  that  you  pro 
ceed  one  step  further,  and  inform  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  that 
this  decision  of  the  French  government,  co-operating  with  other 
causes,  will  be  a  trial  of  friendship  of  this  country  towards 
France  for  which,  after  the  protests  you  have  made,  not  this 
government,  but  that  of  the  emperor,  will  be  responsible."* 

Three  days  after  Mr.  Dayton's  protest  was  handed 
to  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  they  met  at  the  Foreign 
Office,  when  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  said  that  Ar- 
man  (the  builder  of  those  iron-clad  rams  at  Bor 
deaux)  had  just  informed  him  that  he  had  sold 
them  to  the  Danish  government,  but  before  he,  M. 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  acted  upon  that  assumption,  this 
government  would  have  the  best  and  most  satisfac 
tory  evidence  of  this  statement.  "At  present,"  adds 

*D5p.  Cor.  1864-5,  p.  28. 


ARMAN'S  MISREPRESENTATIONS.  35 

Mr.  Dayton,  "  he  does  not  consider  the  statement  of 
the  fact  to  me  as  official,  but  says  he  will  make  it 
as  soon  as  he  shall  receive  the  necessary  proof.  In 
the  meantime,  I  shall  write  to  Mr. Wood,  our  Minis 
ter  at  Copenhagen,  to  put  the  facts  in  an  authentic 
shape."  * 

The  doubt  which  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  expressed 
to  Mr.  Dayton  about  the  Arman  statement  had  an 
importance  which  could  scarcely  have  been  sus 
pected  by  Mr.  Dayton.  It  was  a  falsehood ;  Ar 
man  knew  it  was  a  falsehood,  and  he  was  no  doubt 
sent  by  some  one  to  tell  the  falsehood  to  M.  Drouyn 
de  Lhuys  with  the  expectation  that  it  would  be 
used  by  that  minister  to  quiet  the  apprehensions  of 
Mr.  Dayton  until  the  time — then  supposed  to  be 
not  far  distant  —  when  the  steamers  would  be  at 
sea  and  his  remonstrances  would  trouble  no  one  but 
M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  who  was  to  be  left  in  as  good 
a  shape  as  possible  for  insisting  that  he  could  not 
help  it.  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  knew  very  well  that 
such  a  statement  should  have  reached  him  through 
the  Minister  of  Marine  and  not  through  the  one 
party  who  had  the  largest  pecuniary  interest  in  de 
ceiving  him. 

While  absorbed  in  my  preparations  for  the 
Arman  amendment,  a  paragraph  copied  from  the 
Morning  Star  of  London  appeared  in  the  Moniteur, 
which  stated  that  the  government  had  withdrawn 
the  authorization  which  had  been  given  to  Arman 
for  the  construction  of  the  Confederate  ships.  As 

*Dip.  Cor.  1864-5,  p.  80, 


36      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

this  was  not  an  official  statement  of  the  Moniteur, 
I  was  uncertain  whether  to  regard  it  as  another 
blind  to  quiet  our  apprehensions  or  as  an  unofficial 
way  of  announcing  an  event  to  which  the  govern 
ment  did  not  care  to  give  unnecessary  eclat. 

When  the  time  arrived  that  Annan  was  expect 
ed  to  call  up  his  motion,  I  watched  the  official  re 
ports  of  the  legislative  debates  from  day  to  day, 
but  found  no  allusion  to  the  subject.  At  last  1 
instituted  some  inquiries  through  one  of  the  depu 
ties,  and  ascertained  that  when  that  amendment 
had  been  reached  in  the  order  of  business,  it  was 
passed  sub  silentio,  doubtless  at  the  instance  of  the 
Due  de  Moray,  who  was  the  presiding  officer  of 
the  Corps  Legislatif .  The  government  had  evident 
ly  become  aware  there  was  danger  ahead,  that  it 
had  gone  far  enough  in  that  direction,  and  that  it 
would  not  be  prudent  to  allow  a  discussion  of  such 
an  inflammatory  nature,  at  least  until  the  fortunes 
of  the  Confederates  looked  more  encouraging  than 
they  did  at  that  time.  This  was  the  first  and  a  by 
no  means  insignificant  indication  that  the  govern 
ment  was  on  the  retreat. 

The  work  on  the  ships  continued,  however ;  the 
force  somewhat  reduced,  it  is  true,  but  that  might 
have  been  due  to  the  scarcity  of  money  with  the 
Confederates  rather  than  to  a  change  of  policy  in 
the  government.  "We  could  learn  nothing  that  jus 
tified  a  relaxation  of  our  exertions.  It  was  evi 
dent  that  publicity  was  what  the  government 
dreaded,  therefore  publicity  was  our  most  effective 
weapon. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Press  and  the  Imperial  Ministers. — The '  Opinion  Nationale? 
— The  Mexican  Loan  Failure. — Imperial  Sympathy  with  the 
Insurgents. — Embarrassments  Resulting  from  the  Exposure  of 
the  Conspiracy. — Delivery  of  the  Iron-dads  to  the  Insurgents 
Forbidden. — The  Emperor  Charged  with  Bad  Faith  ~by  the 
Confederates. 

M.  GUEKOULT,  the  editor  of  the  Opinion  Nationale, 
was  in  sympathy  with  the  Unionists,  and  none  the 
less  so  because  of  the  unreasonable  interference  of 
the  government  with  his  publication  of  Berryer's 
opinion.  I  went  to  see  him  again  myself,  and  sat 
isfied  him  that  we  were  fighting  his  battle  as  well 
as  our  own ;  that  we  were  not  appealing  from 
France,  but  to  France,  and  finally  urged  him  to  let 
the  public  into  our  confidences  as  far  as  he  prudent 
ly  could.  He  could  not  resist  the  temptation,  and 
the  consequence  was  an  article  in  the  Opinion  en 
titled  " Les  Corsairs  du  Sud"  in  which  both  M. 
Arman  and  the  government  were  indirectly  charged 
with  and  convicted  of  a  conspiracy  against  the  very 
existence  of  a  friendly  power. 

A  few  days  before  the  article  appeared,  M.  Gue- 
roult  sought  an  interview  with  both  Arman  and 
Rouher*  to  give  them  an  opportunity  of  correcting 

*  The  Minister  of  State  ;  practically  the  Prime-Miuister. 


33      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

his  impressions  if  they  were  erroneous.  Of  this 
interview  a  member  of  the  staff  of  the  Opinion 
Rationale  furnished  me  with  the  following  account 
written  or  dictated  by  Gueroult  himself. 

"On  Wednesday,  the  27th  of  April, M.  Gueroult  \vent  to  M. 
Arman  in  the  Corps  Legislatif  with  the  proof  of  the  article 
lLes  Corsairs  du  Sud,'  when  the  following  conversation  in  sub 
stance  occurred  : 

' '  M.  GUEROULT.  '  As  you  are  my  colleague  in  this  body,  I  am 
unwilling  to  publish  an  article  which  formulates  a  grave  accusa 
tion  against  you  without  advising  you  of  its  tenor.  My  object 
is  to  give  you  the  means  of  defending  yourself  if  you  have  a 
serious  defence.  "What  I  wish  is  light,  not  scandal. 

"M.  ARMAN  reads  the  article,  appears  much  excited,  and 
says  :  '  That  is  all  old ;  the  proceedings  exposed  occurred  in  1863 ; 
all  is  changed  since  then.' 

"M.  GUEROULT.  'Have  you,  or  have  you  not  been  building 
for  the  Confederates  ?' 

"M.  ARMAN.  'Yes;  but  there  is  nothing  now  between  the 
Confederates  and  me  ;  I  have  very  large  interests  compromised 
which  I  am  seeking  to  protect,  and  I  am  trying  to  sell  to  some 
government.' 

"  M.  GUEROULT.  '  Of  two  things  one,  either  you  must  give  me 
authentic,  indisputable  proofs  that  these  ships  are  not  for  the 
Confederates,  or  I  must  publish.' 

"M.  ARMAN.  'I  am  at  this  moment  negotiating  with  M. 
Resales,  acting  as  the  agent  for  the  government  of  Chili.' 

"  M.  GUEROULT.  '  If  you  do  not  give  me  the  proof  which  I  ask 
of  you,  I  shall  make  every  effort  by  publication  or  otherwise  to 
prevent  these  ships  from  sailing.  I  do  not  wish  that,  to  promote 
any  private  interests,  our  relations  with  the  United  States  should 
be  compromised.  I  shall  publish. ' " 

M.  Gueroult  then  sought  the  Minister  of  State, 
and  laid  the  subject  before  him  as  he  had  done 
before  M.  Arman.  M.  Eouher  pretended  to  be 
greatly  astonished,  said  he  would  have  an  inter- 


GUEROULT  AND  ARMAN.  39 

view  with  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  and  with  M.  Chas- 
seloup-Loubat  on  the  following  day,  after  which  he 
would  be  prepared  to  satisfy  M.  Gueroult.  It  was 
then  agreed  to  delay  the  publication  of  the  article 
until  M.  Rouher  should  have  an  opportunity  of 
communicating  with  these  gentlemen.  The  details 
of  that  interview  were  set  forth  to  Mr.  Seward  in 
the  following  letter : 

BIGELOW  TO  SEWABD. 

"(Confidential.) 

"PARIS,  May  3,  1864. 

"My  dear  Sir, — I  sent  you  by  the  last  mail  a  copy  of  the 
Opinion  Nationale  of  Saturday,  30th  of  April,  containing  the 
article  on  the  Confederate  steamers  building  in  France.  M. 
Gueroult  asked  M.  Rouher,  a  few  hours  before  the  paper  was 
to  appear,  for  his  answer  proffered  two  days  previous  on  behalf 
of  the  government  to  the  implications  of  the  article.  M.  Rouher 
replied  that  he  had  spoken  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
and  the  Minister  of  Marine,  whom  the  subject  more  particularly 
concerned,  and  he  said  they  were  occupied  with  the  subject  and 
would  do  whatever  was  proper  to  be  done,  etc.  M.  Gueroult 
replied  that  he  must  have  something  more  definite  than  that, 
and  so  they  parted  and  the  article  appeared. 

"  The  next  day  M.  Boudet,  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  sent 
for  M.  Gueroult,  scolded  him  for  devoting  so  much  space  in  his 
paper  to  the  prejudice  of  the  ship-building  interests  of  France, 
which  the  government  was  trying  in  every  way  to  encourage, 
and  said  that  M.  Arman  threatened  to  proceed  against  the  gov 
ernment  in  the  courts  if  it  interfered  with  his  ships  which  were 
built  for  commercial  purposes.  M.  Gueroult  replied  that  M. 
Arman  had  no  case  at  law  ;  that  he  was  a  liar  and  the  truth  was 
not  in  him  ;  that  he  pretended  without  a  shadow  of  foundation 
to  be  building  these  ships  first  for  one  government,  then  for 
another  ;  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  government  at  all  risks  to 
arrest  the  vessels,  which  certainly  would  compromise  the  friendly 
relations  of  France  with  the  United  States  if  they  should  escape, 
and  that  the  government  should  have  no  difficulty  in  choosing 


40     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

between  the  lioslilily  of  M.  Annan  and  the  hostility  of   the 
United  States. 

"  The  following  day  M.  Boudet  sent  again  for  M.  Gueroult  and 
went  over  the  same  ground,  showing  the  greatest  solicitude  to 
prevent  any  further  discussion  of  the  matter.  Meantime  he  had 
made  use  of  the  ample  means  in  his  hands  for  securing  that  re 
sult  by  notifying  the  official  journals  that  it  was  the  pleasure  of 
the  government  that  no  allusion  should  be  made  to  the  subject 
in  any  way  whatever,  and  by  circulating  the  report  among  the 
opposition  prints  that  M.  Annan  had  instituted  legal  proceed 
ings  against  M.  Gueroult  for  what  he  had  already  printed. 
Hence  the  utter  and  absolute  silence  of  the  city  press  upon  this 
matter,  which,  however,  has  produced  a  profound  sensation  in 
the  Corps  Legislatif  and  disturbed  the  government,  as  I  have 
explained. 

"  In  order  to  be  ahead  of  the  government  I  sent  a  copy  of  the 
Opinion  the  evening  it  appeared  to  Montagnie  [our  consul  at 
Nantes],  requesting  him  to  have  it  at  once  in  the  Phare  et Loire.* 
It  appeared  there  in  full  the  next  day,  so  that  the  necessary  pub 
licity  is  now  assured  to  it.  What  the  effect  will  be  I  am  unable 
to  say,  but  it  is  the  opinion  of  persons  more  competent  than 
myself  to  judge  that  the  government  will  be  compelled  to 
abandon  the  protection  of  Messrs.  Arman  and  Yoruz,  and  put 
themselves  right,  very  soon,  before  the  Corps  Legislatif  and  the 
country. 

"  I  told  you  that  the  Mexican  loan  had  proved  a  failure,  but 
the  failure  was  more  complete  than  I  had  suspected.  It  is  the 
custom  here,  when  subscribing  for  government  loans,  for  the 
subscriber  to  put  down  his  name  for  three  or  four  times  more 
than  he  wants,  as  the  excess  subscribed  over  the  sum  required 
has  always  rendered  it  necessary  to  cut  down  each  individual 
subscription  about  in  that  proportion.  So  if  a  man  wants 
100,000  francs,  he  subscribes  for  500,000,  and  if  he  wants  10,000 
he  subscribes  for  40,000  or  50,000,  and  so  on.  The  resolution 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  about  Mexico  reached  here  in 
the  middle  of  the  subscriptions.!  All  the  large  subscriptions 

*  A  strong  anti-Imperial  print  and  friendly  to  the  United  States, 
published  at  Nantes, 
f  The  resolution  here  referred  to  was  offered  by  the  Hon.  II. 


THE  MEXICAN  LOAN.  41 

ceased  abruptly,  and  when  'lie  lists  were  examined  it  was  found 
that,  taking  all  the  subscriptions  at  their  full  amount,  they  had 
received  but  about  one  third  of  the  amount  advertised  for,  barely 
enough  to  cover  the  sum  allotted  to  the  indemnification  of 
France.  The  government  immediately  gave  orders  to  award 
the  full  amount  to  each  subscriber,  and,  what  is  worse,  it  directed 
that  the  full  amount  should  be  paid  up  at  once.  The  conse 
quence  was  that  many  subscribers  of  limited  means,  who  had 
only  expected  the  allotment  of  a  fraction  of  their  subscription, 
were  obliged  to  sell  out,  hence  a  fall  in  the  quotations  of  the 
loan  yesterday  of  3£  per  cent.,  and  unless  the  government  in 
terferes  there  will  be  another  fall  to-day. 

"  Apropos  of  Mexico,  you  will  find  in  the  Paris  papers  a  para 
graph  taken  from  the  Moniteur,  stating  that  the  Emperor  has 
received  from  the  United  States  government  satisfactory  ex 
planations  of  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
That  paragraph  appeared  in  the  Moniteur  de  Soir,  published  on 
the  1st  of  May,  but  did  not,  however,  appear  in  the  Moniteur 
Officiel 

"I  cannot  but  regret  that  Mr.  Dayton  had  any  authority  to 
furnish  a  pretext  for  this  article,  as  the  subject  stood  very  well 
where  the  House  and  the  Senate  left  it.  I  think  the  resolution 
was  having  a  wholesome  effect  here.  The  government  is  sup 
posed  to  presume  upon  our  embarrassments,  and  we  encourage 
them  by  a  tone  of  propitiation  and  courtesy  which  has  precisely 


Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland,  on  the  4th  of  April,  1864,  and  passed 
the  House  of  Representatives  unanimously.  It  ran  as  follows  : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  are  unwill 
ing,  by  silence,  to  leave  the  nations  of  the  world  under  the 
impression  that  they  are  indifferent  spectators  of  the  deplorable 
events  now  transpiring  in  the  Republic  of  Mexico ;  and  they 
therefore  think  fit  to  declare  that  it  does  not  accord  with  the 
policy  of  the  United  States  to  acknowledge  a  monarchical  gov 
ernment,  erected  on  the  ruins  of  any  republican  government  in 
America,  under  the  auspices  of  any  European  power." 

Though  this  resolution  never  passed  the  Senate,  it  had  all  the 
moral  effect  in  Europe  that  could  have  been  expected  from  its 
adoption  by  both  houses  of  Congress. 


42     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

the  contrary  effect  from  that  designed.  They  are,  in  point  of 
fact,  in  greater  embarrassment  than  ourselves  ;  they  can  bear 
nothing  which  affects  their  credit,  and  the  least  demonstration 
from  the  United  States  they  feel  in  every  fibre,  as  was  shown 
by  the  nervousness  of  the  official  journals  about  that  resolution, 
and  by  the  fate  of  the  loan  ;  while  the  opposition  would  be  much 
more  courageous  in  reference  to  American  affairs  if  they  could 
feel  sure  of  an  ally  in  the  American  government.  But  when 
they  received  your  charming  compliments  to  the  French  gov 
ernment,  which  they  know  is  doing  all  it  can  to  cut  our  throats, 
they  are  indisposed  to  venture  an  attack.  I  think  you  will  find 
before  you  get  much  farther  with  this  government  that  you 
will  have  to  take  a  more  decisive  tone  with  it,  and  require  of  it 
less  temporizing  and  equivocation.  At  least  I  am  convinced 
that  that  is  the  surest  and  quickest  way  of  bringing  public  opin 
ion  to  bear  in  our  favor  on  one  or  two  questions.  Pardon  me 
if  your  shoemaker  has  gone  beyond  his  last.  You  expect  me 
to  give  you  frankly  my  impressions  in  regard  to  matters  of 
public  concern,  and  I  am  anxious  you  should  not  be  misled 
with  soft  words  (and  nothing  else),  with  which  your  repre 
sentative  at  this  Court  has  been  entertained  ever  since  his  arri 
val  here." 

Could  we  have  known  what  had  already  taken 
place  in  the  enemy's  camp,  and  which  the  govern 
ment  concealed  from  us  so  far  as  it  was  able  to 
do,  we  should  have  been  disturbed  with  fewer  ap 
prehensions.  The  recent  publication  of  Captain 
Bullock  furnishes  the  complement  of  the  picture, 
and  explains  so  many  things  that  were  unintelli 
gible  to  us  that  I  place  his  statement  before  the 
reader,  reminding  him,  however,  that  at  the  time 
we  had  not  the  advantage  of  any  such  light  : 

"The  construction  of  the  corvettes  at  Bordeaux  and  Nantes 
and  the  two  iron-clad  vessels  progressed  rapidly,  and  for  some 
months  there  did  not  arise  any  question  which  suggested  a  doubt 


MR.  DAYTON'S  PROTEST.  43 

in  regard  to  the  purposes  of  the  Imperial  government  in  respect 
to  their  departure  when  completed.  On  the  23d  of  November, 
1863,  I  reported  that  the  armored  vessels  were  quite  three  fifths 
finished,  and  that  the  corvettes  would  probably  be  ready  for  sea 
within  the  contract  time;  but  by  that  date  things  began  to  change 
in  their  aspect.  The  American  papers  began  to  discuss  the  prob 
able  destination  of  the  ships,  and  it  was  stated  that  Mr.  Dayton, 
the  United  States  Minister,  had  addressed  a  protest  to  the  French 
government  against  their  completion,  and  it  was  even  affirmed 
that  he  had  been  assured  by  the  Minister  of  Marine  that  none  of 
the  ships  would  be  allowed  to  leave  France.  Commenting  upon 
these  uncomfortable  rumors  in  a  subsequent  despatch  (Novem 
ber  26,  1863)  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  I  wrote  as  follows: 

' ' '  The  extent  to  which  the  system  of  bribery  and  spying  has 
been  and  continues  to  be  practised  by  the  agents  of  the  United 
States  in  Europe  is  scarcely  credible.  The  servants  of  gentlemen 
supposed  to  have  Southern  sympathies  are  tampered  with ;  con 
fidential  clerks,  and  even  the  messengers  from  telegraph  offices, 
are  bribed  to  betray  their  trust,  and  I  have  lately  been  informed 
that  the  English  and  French  post-offices,  hitherto  considered  im 
maculate,  are  now  scarcely  safe  modes  of  communication. 

"  '  Mere  suspicion  is  not,  I  regret  to  say,  the  basis  of  Mr.  Day 
ton's  protest.  He  has  furnished  the  French  government  with 
copies  of  certain  letters  alleged  to  have  passed  between  the  build 
ers,  which  go  to  show  that  the  ships  are  for  us.  The  confiden 
tial  clerk  who  has  had  charge  of  the  correspondence  of  M.  Voruz, 
one  of  the  parties  to  the  contract,  has  disappeared,  and  has,  un 
fortunately,  carried  off  some  of  the  letters  and  papers  relating  to 
the  business.  M.  Voruz  has  not  yet  discovered  the  full  extent 
to  which  he  has  been  robbed,  but  is  using  every  effort  to  trace 
the  theft  to  its  source,  and  to  discover  how  far  he  can  prove  com 
plicity  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  officials.  We  know  that 
the  stolen  papers  contain  evidence  that  the  ships  are  for  us,  for 
the  fact  has  been  so  stated  by  the  Minister  of  Marine  to  one  of  the 
builders;  but  the  French  government  has  only  thus  become 
aware  of  a  transaction  it  was  perfectly  well  informed  of  be 
fore.  Indeed,  I  may  say  that  the  attempt  to  build  ships  in  France 
was  undertaken  at  the  instigation  of  the  Imperial  government  itself. 
When  the  construction  of  the  corvettes  was  in  process  of  nego 
tiation  a  draft  of  the  proposed  contract  was  shown  to  the  highest  per- 


44      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

son  in  the  empire,  and  it  received  Ms  sanction  ;  at  least,  I  was  so 
informed  at  the  time.  At  any  rate,  I  have  a  copy  of  the  letter 
addressed  to  the  builders  by  the  Minister  of  Marine,  giving  author 
ity  to  arm  the  corvettes  in  France,  and  specifying  the  number  of 
guns;  and  I  have  the  original  document,  signed  by  M.  Chasseloup- 
Loubat  himself,  granting  like  authority  for  the  rams.  It  can 
never,  therefore,  be  charged  that  the  Confederate  States  gov 
ernment,  through  its  agent,  has  violated  the  neutrality  of  France 
by  attempting  the  construction  of  ships  in  her  ports;  *  and  if  Mr. 
Dayton  has  received  the  assurances  we  see  printed  in  the  Amer 
ican  papers,  the  time  is  rapidly  approaching  when  the  policy  of 
the  Imperial  government  in  reference  to  American  affairs  must 
be  positively  and  definitely  expressed. 

"  'The  builders  are  still  sanguine  that  they  will  be  allowed  to 
send  the  ships  to  sea;  but  I  confess  I  do  not  see  any  such  assur 
ance  in  what  they  say,  and  the  manner  in  which  the  protest  of 
the  American  minister  has  been  received  is  well  calculated  to 
confirm  my  doubts.  When  Mr.  Dayton  went  to  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  with  a  complaint  and  with  copies  of  certain  let 
ters  to  substantiate  it,  the  minister  might  have  said,  "These  are 
all  alleged  copies  of  the  private  correspondence  of  two  prominent 
and  highly  respected  French  citizens;  they  could  have  only  come 
into  your  possession  by  bribery  or  treachery;  I  cannot,  therefore, 
receive  them  as  evidence,  and  must  insist  that  you  produce  the 
originals,  and  explain  how  you  came  to  be  possessed  of  them." 

*  We  shall  see  later  that  the  alleged  sanction  of  the  contract 
between  Bullock  and  Annan  by  "  the  highest  person  of  the  em 
pire  "  was  upon  conditions  of  which  he  must  have  been  kept  in 
ignorance  or  had  overlooked  when  he  wrote  the  paragraph.  He 
also  overlooks  the  fact  that  the  authorization  was  for  building 
vessels  to  ply  the  China  seas.  That  subterfuge  was  not  resorted 
to  by  the  French  government  to  deceive  itself,  but  for  its  defence 
when,  if  ever,  it  should  be  called  to  account  for  letting  the  vessels 
be  built,  supposing  the  secret  of  their  real  destination  was  kept 
until  they  had  got  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  the  French  govern 
ment.  The  disclosure  of  the  secret  at  any  time  before  the  escape 
of  the  vessels,  it  will  soon  be  shown,  dissolved  all  engagements 
which  were  made  upon  the  strength  of  any  givings-out  of  the 
emperor. 


JUDICIOUS  BLINDNESS.  45 

"  '  It  strikes  rne  that  such  a  course  would  have  effectually  si 
lenced  Mr.  Dayton,  and  we  could  have  felt  some  assurance  of 
getting  our  ships  to  sea.  Instead,  the  stolen  letters  have  been 
received  without  hesitation,  and  the  United  States  officials  pro 
fess  to  be  satisfied  with  the  action,  or  promised  action^  of  the 
French  government.  The  builders  are  sent  for,  and  warned  by 
the  Minister  of  Marine;  and  though  those  gentlemen  come  from 
their  interviews  still  possessed  by  the  belief  that  the  ships  will  be 
allowed  to  depart,  and  thus,  as  I  said  before,  with  hopes,  I  can 
not  be  blind  to  the  significancy  of  the  above  circumstances. 

'"My  belief  is  that  the  construction  of  the  ships  will  not  be 
interfered  with ;  but  whether  they  will  be  allowed  to  leave  France 
or  not  will  depend  upon  the  position  of  affairs  in  America  at  the 
time  of  their  completion.  If  at  that  time  our  cause  is  in  the 
ascendant  the  local  authorities  will  be  instructed  not  to  be  too 
inquisitive,  and  the  departure  of  our  ships  will  be  connived  at. 
If,  on  the  contrary,  the  Federal  cause  prospers,  the  affairs  of  the 
"  Confederate  ships  "  will  be  turned  over  to  the  responsible  min 
isters  of  the  empire,  who  will  justify  their  claims  to  American 
gratitude  by  a  strict  enforcement  of  the  neutrality  of  France. 
Hoping  always  for  the  best,  I  shall  not  permit  any  fears  to  create 
delay  in  the  progress  of  work.  The  ships  shall  be  ready  as  soon 
as  possible,  and  every  effort  shall  be  made  to  get  them  to  sea  in 
the  manner  least  calculated  to  compromise  the  French  authori 
ties,  if  they  choose  only  to  be  judicially  blind.' 

"On  the  18th  of  February,  1864,  I  reported  further  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  as  follows : 

"  '1  have  the  honor  to  enclose  herewith  my  despatch  of  No 
vember  26,  1863,  on  the  subject  of  the  iron-clads  and  corvettes 
building  for  us  in  France,  wherein  I  ventured  to  express  some 
apprehension  as  to  the  policy  the  Imperial  government  would 
pursue  when  the  ships  approached  completion.  That  policy  has 
been  pronounced  sooner  than  I  anticipated,  and  the  emperor, 
through  his  Ministers  of  Foreign  Affairs  and  Marine,  has  for 
mally  notified  the  builders  that  the  iron-clads  cannot  be  permit 
ted  to  sail,  and  that  the  corvettes  must  not  be  armed  in  France, 
but  must  be  nominally  sold  to  some  foreign  merchant  and  de 
spatched  as  ordinary  trading  vessels.  I  believe  that  M.  Arman 
has  acted  in  a  perfectly  loyal  manner  thus  far  in  these  transac 
tions,  and  he  sincerely  regrets  the  present  turn  of  events.  Ha 


46      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

has  proposed  that  a  nominal  sale  of  the  vessels  should  be  made  to  a 
Danish  banker,  and  that  there  should  be  a  private  agreement  pro 
viding  for  a  redelivery  to  us  at  some  point  beyond  the  jurisdiction 
of  Fi'ance.  This  would  simply  be  substituting  France  for  Eng 
land,  and  then  Denmark  for  France,  and  the  Danish  banker  for 
Messrs.  Bravay;  and  if  the  two  most  powerful  maritime  nations 
in  the  world  have  not  been  able  to  resist  the  importunities  of  the 
United  States,  it  would  be  simply  absurd  to  hope  for  success 
through  the  medium  of  Denmark,  a  weak  power  at  best,  and 
just  now  struggling  almost  hopelessly  for  her  very  existence.* 
The  proposition  was  therefore  declined,  as  it  only  involved  an 
increased  and  useless  expenditure  of  money  without  a  hope  of 
profit.  This  case  may  be  summed  up  in  a  very  few  words. 

"'  It  is  one  of  simple  deception.  I  never  should  have  entered 
into  such  large  undertakings  without  the  assurance  of  success.  I 
was — not  as  a  private  individual,  but  as  an  agent  of  the  Confed 
erate  States — invited  to  build  ships-of-war  in  France,  and,  so  far 
at  least  as  the  corvettes  are  concerned,  received  every  possible 
assurance  f  that  they  might  be  actually  armed  in  the  ports  of 
construction.  During  three  or  four  months  after  the  contracts 
were  made  the  work  advanced  very  rapidly,  but  latterly  there 
has  been  a  gradual  falling  off,  which  caused  me  to  fear  that  the 
builders  had  received  some  discouraging  intimations  from  the 
government.  I  am  not  fully  convinced  on  this  point,  but  the 
result  would  seem  to  indicate  that  my  suspicions  were  not  un 
founded.  By  affording  refuge  to  our  ships  at  Calais,  Brest, 
and  Cherbourg,  the  Imperial  government  has  shown  us  more 
favor  than  that  of  her  Britannic  majesty;  and  I  presume  that  the 
emperor,  trusting  to  the  chances  of  war  and  diplomacy,  hoped 
that,  before  the  completion  of  the  ships,  affairs  both  in  America 
and  Europe  would  be  in  such  a  condition  as  would  enable  him  to 
let  them  go  without  apprehension.  He  now  favors  us  so  far  as 


*  Then  engaged  in  war  with  Prussia  and  Austria  in  respect  to 
the  Holstein-Schleswig  provinces. 

f  This  is  considerably  overstated.  He,  or  at  least  his  princi 
pals,  was  very  far  from  receiving  every  possible  assurance,  or, 
indeed,  any  assurance,  from  the  emperor,  except  upon  a  condition 
that  was  not  complied  with,  as  will  appear  by  and  by. 


BULLOCK  DISCOURAGED.  47 

to  tell  us  frankly  to  sell  out  and  save  our  money,  but  this  can 
scarcely  ameliorate  the  disappointment. 

" 'The  two  Bordeaux  iron-clads  and  the  four  corvettes  would 
have  proved  a  formidable  attacking  squadron,  and  would  have 
enabled  their  commander  to  strike  severe  and  telling  blows  upon 
the  northern  seaboard.  The  loss  of  the  iron-clads  changes  the 
whole  character  of  the  force,  and  deprives  it  of  its  real  power  of 
offence.  It  is  difficult  to  predict  what  will  be  the  state  of  Europe 
even  a  month  hence,  and  how  the  progress  of  events  may  affect 
the  chances  of  getting  the  wooden  ships  to  sea.  I  shall,  however, 
make  every  effort  to  get  at  least  two  of  them  out,  to  supply  the 
places  of  our  present  cruisers  should  the  casualties  of  the  sea  re 
duce  their  present  number.  There  really  seems  but  little  for  our 
ships  to  do  now  upon  the  open  sea.  Lieutenant  Commanding  Low, 
of  the  Tuscaloosa*  reports  that,  in  a  cruise  of  several  months,  dur 
ing  which  he  spoke  over  one  hundred  vessels,  only  one  proved  to 
be  an  American ;  and  she,  being  loaded  entirely  on  neutral  account, 
he  was  forced  to  release  her  after  taking  a  bond.  The  Alabama, 
also,  only  picks  up  a  vessel  at  intervals,  although  she  is  in  the 
East  Indies,  heretofore  rich  in  American  traffic.  Nevertheless, 
if  all  our  ships  should  be  withdrawn,  the  United  States  flag  would 
again  make  its  appearance  ;  and  it  is  therefore  essential  to  pro 
vide  the  necessary  relay  of  vessels.  There  is,  however,  no  resist 
ing  the  logic  of  accomplished  facts.  I  am  now  convinced  that 
we  cannot  get  iron-clads  to  sea,  and,  unless  otherwise  instructed, 
I  will  make  no  more  contracts  for  such  vessels,  except  with  such 
a  pecuniary  guarantee  for  actual  delivery  upon  the  ocean  as  will 
secure  us  against  loss.'  "  f 

*  Prize  of  the  Alabama,  commissioned  by  Captain  Semmes. 
f  Bullock's  "  Secret  Service  of  the  Confederate  States,"  vol.  ii. 
pp.  38-43. 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  Plot  to  Secure  One  of  the  Iron-dads  ty  a  Fictitious  Sale.— The 
Emperor  Waiting  for  Lee  to  Take  Washington  to  Recognize  the 
Confederacy. 

WHILE  doing  our  best  to  compel  the  emperor  to 
withdraw  his  support  from  the  Confederates,  our 
soldiers  at  home  were  using  a  far  more  effective 
logic.  The  strength  of  the  Confederacy  was  rap 
idly  wasting.  The  fall  of  Yicksburg,  which  gave 
us  the  control  of  the  Mississippi  from  its  mouth  to 
its  sources,  and  cut  the  Confederate  States  in  two, 
together  with  the  disastrous  repulse  of  General  Lee 
at  Gettysburg,  had  almost  as  prompt  and  decisive 
an  influence  upon  the  politics  of  Europe  as  of  Amer 
ica.  "  Up  to  the  date  of  these  events,"  to  use  the 
words  of  Captain  Bullock,  "  the  South  was  able  in 
the  main  to  beat  back  invasion,  and  sometimes,  by 
a  supreme  effort,  to  assume  the  offensive.  But  by 
that  time  the  drain  of  battle  and  disease  had  greatly 
diminished  her  fighting  population,  and  the  strin 
gency  of  the  blockade  had  become  so  great  that 
it  was  impossible  to  supply  the  reduced  numbers  in 
the  field  with  effective  arms  and  ammunition,  and 
all  the  necessary  supplies  could  only  be  obtained  at 
uncertain  intervals  and  in  insufficient  quantities." 
The  extent  of  its  influence  upon  the  attitude  taken 
by  the  Imperial  government  of  France  towards  the 


THE  FICTITIOUS  SALE.  49 

Confederates  was  not  at  the  time  so  apparent  to  us 
as,  from  the  following  statement  of  Captain  Bullock, 
it  appears  to  have  been  to  their  agents  in  Paris : 

"M.  Annan  having  received  positive  instructions  not  to  at 
tempt  to  send  the  iron-clad  vessels  to  sea,  but  being  still  permit 
ted  to  suppose  that  the  corvettes  would  not  be  stopped  if  sent  to 
sea  without  their  guns,  it  was  arranged  with  him  to  push  the 
completion  of  the  latter  vessels  to  the  utmost,  and  to  go  on  with 
the  armored  ships  more  leisurely,  while  we  were  considering 
what  might  be  done  with  them.  The  course  of  events  and  the 
denouement  is  more  clearly  and  fairly  explained  in  the  following 
despatch,  written  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  at  the  time,  than 
by  any  version  I  could  give  of  the  transaction  now.  The  de 
spatch  referred  to  was  written  June  10,  1864,  and  was  as  fol 
lows  : 

"  '  It  is  now  my  painful  duty  to  report  upon  the  most  remark 
able  circumstance  that  has  yet  occurred  in  reference  to  our 
operations  in  Europe.  Previous  despatches  have  informed  you 
under  what  influences,  impressions,  and  expectations  I  under 
took  the  construction  of  ships-of-war  in  the  building  yards  of 
France,  and  how  smoothly  and  satisfactorily  the  work  progressed 
for  several  months  after  it  was  begun.  I  reported  to  you  when 
it  became  evident  that  the  government  was  interfering  and  check 
ing  the  progress  of  the  work,  and  finally  informed  you  when 
the  authorities  forbade  the  completion  of  the  rams,  and  directed 
the  builders  of  the  corvettes  to  sell  them. 

"  '  When  the  consultation  between  Messrs.  Mason,  Slid  ell,  and 
myself  was  held  in  Paris,  the  result  of  which  has  already  been 
reported  to  you,  it  was  unanimously  agreed  that  the  iron-clads 
must  of  necessity  be  sold,  but  it  was  thought  that  the  corvettes 
should  be  completed,  as  the  builders  were  confident  that  the  gov 
ernment  would  not  interfere  with  their  departure,  if  despatched 
as  commercial  vessels,  and  under  the  assumed  ownership  of  pri 
vate  individuals.  Thus  fortified  by  the  opinions  and  advice  of 
Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell,  I  gave  M.  Arman,  the  principal  build 
er,  written  instructions  to  sell  the  ships,  upon  his  representation 
that  such  a  course  was  necessary  in  order  that  he  might  be  able 
to  show  to  the  Minister  of  Marine  that  his  business  connection 
3 


50      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

•with  me  had  ceased.  There  was  at  the  same  time  an  express 
understanding  between  M.  Arman  and  me  that  the  sale  of  the 
corvettes  should  be  purely  fictitious,  and  that  the  negotiations  in 
respect  to  the  rams  should  be  kept  in  such  a  state  that  we  might 
get  possession  of  them  again  if  there  should  be  any  change  in 
the  policy  of  the  emperor's  government  before  their  completion. 
Scarcely  a  month  since  I  had  a  long  consultation  with  M.  Arman 
regarding  all  of  these  matters,  M.  Eustis*  being  present. 

"  'M.  Arman  showed  me  a  contract  of  sale  of  one  of  the  iron 
clads  to  the  Danish  government,  and  told  me  he  was  then  nego 
tiating  for  the  sale  of  the  other  to  the  same  government.  As 
Denmark  was  then  at  war,  it  had  been  arranged  that  the  nominal 
ownership  of  the  rams  should  vest  in  Sweden,f  and  that  govern 
ment,  I  was  informed,  having  consented  to  do  this  piece  of  good 
service  for  Denmark,  M.  Arman  said  that  a  Swedish  naval  officer 
was  then  at  Bordeaux  superintending  the  completion  of  the  rams 
as  if  for  his  own  government.  In  the  contract  of  sale  M.  Annan 
had  agreed  to  deliver  the  ships  at  Gottenberg  in  Sweden,  and  he 
told  me  that  he  had  made  this  unusual  stipulation  in  order  that 
he  might  be  able  to  send  the  ships  to  sea  under  the  French  flag 
and  in  charge  of  men  of  his  own  choice.  "Now,"  said  he,  " if 
you  are  willing  to  sacrifice  one  of  the  rams,  and  will  consent  to 
the  bona  fide  delivery  of  the  first  one,  I  am  sure  that  the  second 
one  can  be  saved  to  you.  When  the  first  ram  is  ready  to  sail," 
continued  M.  Arman,  "the  American  Minister  will  no  doubt  ask 
the  Swedish  Minister  if  the  vessel  belongs  to  his  government. 
The  reply  will  be  '  Yes ;'  she  will  sail  unmolested,  and  will  ar 
rive  at  her  destination  according  to  contract.  This  will  avert 
all  suspicion  from  the  second  ram,  and  when  she  sails  under  like 

*  Slidell's  secretary. 

f  I  reported  this  fact  just  as  I  understood  M.  Arman  to  state 
it,  at  the  time  of  the  consultation  referred  to  ;  but  upon  subse 
quent  inquiry  I  learned  that  he  did  not  mean  me  to  infer  that 
any  public  official  of  the  Swedish  government  took  part  in  the 
transaction,  but  that  a  Swedish  banker  had  undertaken  to  carry 
out  the  arrangement.  However,  the  whole  plan  fell  through ; 
the  ship  was  actually  sold  to  Denmark,  and  was  sent  to  Copen 
hagen  without  any  disguise  and  under  the  French  flag  with  a 
French  commander  and  crew. 


ARMAN,  BULLOCK,  AND  TESSIER.  51 

circumstances  with  the  first,  my  people  having  a  previous  under 
standing  -with  you,  will  take  her  to  any  rendezvous  that  may 
have  been  agreed  upon,  or  will  deliver  her  to  you  or  your  agent 
at  sea." 

"  'The  above  is  almost  a  verbatim  report  of  the  proposition 
made  by  M.  Arman,  which  after  some  discussion  upon  matters 
of  detail  was  accepted,  and  I  have  since  felt  a  reasonable  assur 
ance  of  seeing  one  of  our  rams  at  work  upon  the  enemy.  A  day 
or  two  after,  I  called  on  M.  Arman  again,  taking  with  me  Cap 
tain  Tessier,  my  agent  in  France,  a  man  of  intelligence,  a  capital 
seaman,  and  of  course  master  of  the  French  language.  The  ob 
ject  of  the  visit  was  to  discuss  the  arrangements  necessary  to 
get  the  corvettes  to  sea,  and  to  send  to  them  their  armament  and 
crews.  I  told  M.  Arman  that  it  would  take  a  long  time  to  set 
everything  afloat  when  the  proper  moment  arrived,  but  that  the 
undertaking  was  one  which  not  only  involved  a  large  expendi 
ture  of  money,  but  which  required  to  be  managed  with  great 
caution  and  secrecy.  When  the  expedition  was  ready,  I  said  it 
would  be  absolutely  necessary  for  it  to  sail  promptly,  because 
delay  would  cause  exposure,  and  certain  interruption  and  fail 
ure  would  follow,  and  having  due  regard  to  such  a  contingency, 
it  was  very  important,  and  indeed  essential,  that  I  should,  if  pos 
sible,  get  some  assurance  that  when  we  were  all  ready  to  move 
the  government  would  permit  the  vessels  to  leave  Bordeaux. 
M.  Arman  replied  that  he  thought  there  was  no  doubt  about  the 
corvettes  being  allowed  to  sail  unarmed,  but  he  was  to  have  a 
personal  interview  with  the  emperor  in  ten  days  or  a  fortnight, 
and  would  then  bring  the  matter  to  a  close,  by  direct  appeal  to 
his  imperial  majesty. 

"  '  Many  details  relating  to  the  best  mode  of  shipping  the  guns, 
the  engagement  of  reliable  captains,  and  the  possibility  of  get 
ting  seamen  from  the  ports  of  Brittany  were  discussed,  all  in  a 
most  satisfactory  manner.  Before  separating,  M.  Arman  ex 
pressed  great  regret  at  the  delay  and  interference  we  had  met 
with,  and  said  that  as  he  had  made  the  contracts  for  building  all 
the  ships  in  perfect  good  faith,  and  with  the  assurance  that  his 
government  understood  the  whole  transaction,  and  would  per 
mit  him  to  carry  it  out,  he  felt  doubly  bound  to  assist  in  every 
possible  way,  and  to  assume  any  responsibility  that  might  be 
necessary. 


52      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

"  '  In  face  of  the  foregoing  statement  you  will  readily  imagine 
my  astonishment  when  Captain  Tessier  arrived  here  (Liverpool) 
yesterday  afternoon  bringing  me  a  letter  from  M.  Annan,  inform 
ing  me  that  he  had  sold  both  the  corvettes  to  governments  of 
the  north  of  Europe,  "in  obedience  to  the  imperative  orders  of 
his  government."  He  (M.  Annan)  could  not  write  particulars. 
Captain  Tessier  was  charged  to  deliver  further  verbal  explana 
tions  as  follows : 

" '  M.  Arman  obtained  his  promised  interview  with  the  em 
peror,  who  rated  him  severely,  ordered  him  to  sell  the  ships  at 
once  bond  fide,  and  said,  if  this  was  not  done,  he  would  have 
them  seized  and  taken  to  Rochefort. 

" '  Captain  Tessier  also  brought  me  word  that  the  two  corvettes 
at  Nantes  were  ordered  to  be  sold,  and  the  builders  of  those 
ships  sent  me  by  him  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  the  Minister  of  Ma 
rine  conveying  the  order  to  them.  The  order  is  of  the  most 
peremptory  kind,  not  only  directing  the  sale,  but  requiring  the 
builders  to  furnish  proof  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  that 
the  sale  is  a  real  one.  The  Minister  of  Marine  writes  the  order 
in  a  style  of  virtuous  indignation ;  specifies  the  large  artillery, 
the  power  of  the  engines,  the  space  allotted  to  fuel,  and  the  gen 
eral  arrangements  of  the  ships  as  proving  their  warlike  character, 
and  dogmatically  pronounces  the  one  to  which  he  especially  re 
fers  une  veritable  corvette  de  guerre* 

"  'When  you  call  to  mind  the  fact  that  this  same  Minister  of 


*  I  am  indebted  to  the  kind  offices  of  the  late  United  States 
Minister  to  Paris,  the  Hon.  Levi  P.  Morton,  with  the  French 
Ministry  of  Marine,  for  a  copy  of  what  may  be  presumed  to  be 
the  letter  to  M.  Arman,  of  which  Captain  Bullock  professes  here 
to  give  the  substance.  It  gives  some  particulars  which  do  not 
appear  in  the  authorization,  but  as  he  is  quoting,  not  from  the 
document,  which  he  does  not  profess  to  have  seen,  but  from  an 
oral  report  of  M.  Tessier  of  an  oral  statement  by  M.  Arman, 
both  made  many  years  before,  it  is  easier  to  suppose  that  he 
ascribed  to  the  document  some  statements  which  may  have  been 
only  uttered  in  the  discussion,  than  that  a  second  remonstrance 
of  a  similar  purport  to  this  should  have  emanated  from  the  De 
partment  of  Marine  at  or  about  the  same  date  : 


SHIPS  FORBIDDEN  TO  SAIL.  53 

Marine,  on  the  6th  day  of  June,  1863,  wrote  over  his  own  official 
signature  a  formal  authorization  to  arm  those  very  ships  with 
fourteen  heavy  guns  (canons  raye  de  trente),  the  affectation  of 
having  just  discovered  them  to  be  suitable  for  purposes  of  war  is 
really  astonishing. 

' ' '  When  Captain  Tessier  brought  me  the  unwelcome  and  dis 
couraging  report  of  the  forced  sale  of  our  French  ships,  I  was  so 
fully  occupied  with  pressing  affairs  in  England  that  it  was  im- 

4 'PARIS,  U  I" Mai,  1864. 

"  M.  Arman,  Depute,  d  Pans, — Par  une  lettre,  en  date  du  22 
Avril,  le  Ministre  des  fitats-Unis  a  fait  connaitre  a  S.  E.  le  Min- 
istre  des  Affaires  fitrangeres  qu'il  resultait  des  informations, 
prises  a  Stockholm  que  les  deux  batiments  de  guerre  construits 
par  vous,  a  Bordeaux,  et  dont  vous  aviez  annonce  que  la  vente 
avait  etc  f aite  au  gouvernement  Suedois,  n'avaient  reellement  pas 
CtQ  vendus  a  ce  gouvernement. 

"M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  qui  m'  a  donne  communication  de  la 
lettre  de  M.  Dayton  ainsi  que  des  documents  qui  1'accompagnai- 
ent,  a  en  consequence,  appele  de  nouveau  mon  attention  sur  ces 
constructions  et  la  destination  de  ces  batiments. 

"Vous  vous  rappelez,  Monsieur,  que  sur  les  renseignements 
fournis  par  une  correspondance  dont  M.  le  Minislre  des  fltats- 
Unis  avait  eu  connaissance,  j'ai  eu,  pour  la  premiere  fois,  &  la 
date  du  21  8bre  derniere,  &  vous  faire  remarquer  que  vous  as- 
sumiez  sur  vous  une  grave  responsabilite  par  des  actes  qui  se 
commettraient  en  contravention  a  la  declaration  du  10  Juin, 
1861.  Enfin,  je  vous  prevenais  que  je  ne  saurais  autoriser  1'ar- 
mement  des  navires  qui  vous  etaient  siguales  comme  construits 
pour  les  Confederes. 

"Aujourd'hui  je  viens  vous  faire  connaitre  que  sous  aucun 
pretexte,  je  ne  laisserai  armcr  les  batiments  que  vous  avez  an 
nonce  avoir  vendus,  avant  que  vous  n'ayez  justifie  au  Departe- 
ment  des  Affaires  JEtrangeres  de  la  vente  qui  en  aurait  ete  faite, 
par  vous,  &  un  gouvernement  etranger. 

"Les  ordres  les  plus  formels  seront  donnes  aux  autorites  mari- 
times  pour  s'opposer  it  1'armement  des  navires  dont  il  s'agit 
jusqu'a  ce  que  S.  E.  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  m'ait  fait  connaitre 
qu'il  en  petit  etre  autrcment.  Recevez,  etc." 


54     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

possible  for  me  to  go  to  France  at  once,  but  I  sent  him  immedi 
ately  back  with  a  letter  to  Mr.  Slidell,  and  with  instructions  to 
arrange  with  M.  Arman  to  meet  me  in  Paris,  and  followed  in  a 
few  days.  A  consultation  with  Mr.  Slidell  resulted  in  nothing 
but  the  conviction  that  the  Imperial  government  had  changed 
the  views  which  had  been  previously  expressed,  and  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  retain  possession  of  the  ships,  or  to  pre 
vent  their  delivery  to  the  purchasers  by  any  process  of  law.  It 
was  manifest  that  the  builders  of  the  ships  were  as  much  sur 
prised  and  disappointed  by  the  action  of  the  government  as  we 
were.  They  would  not  have  undertaken  the  transaction  unless 
they  had  been  impressed  with  the  belief  that  the  supreme  govern 
ment  fully  understood  and  approved  what  they  were  doing,  and 
they  were  ready  and  willing  to  comply  with  their  engagements 
and  to  assume  any  reasonable  responsibility  in  the  effort  to  ful 
fil  them.'" 

In  giving  this  statement  of  Captain  Bullock  I 
have  enabled  my  readers  to  considerably  anticipate 
my  knowledge  of  what  was  going  on  in  the  camp 
of  the  enemy.  I  have  borrowed  this  light  as  it 
were  from  the  future,  that  my  readers  may  more 
readily  understand,  as  my  narrative  proceeds,  the 
shameless  duplicity  with  which  we  had  to  contend 
during  this  protracted  and  anxious  struggle  with  the 
Confederate  and  Imperial  governments  combined.* 
Of  course  I  knew  nothing  of  the  new  attitude  tak 
en  by  the  emperor  towards  the  Confederacy,  nor 

*  I  will  here  cite  a  letter  which  I  had  occasion  to  address  to 
Mr.  Seward  on  the  6th  of  August,  1864,  to  show  that  the  em 
peror  had  required  Arman  to  get  rid  of  his  ships  from  no  feel 
ing  of  respect  for  his  neutral  engagements,  nor  with  any  thought 
of  befriending  our  government : 

•'(Confidential.) 

1 '  PARIS,  August  6, 1864. 

"My  dear  Sir, —  M.  Ancel,  the  deputy  to  the  Corps  Legisla- 
tif  from  Havre,  finding  himself  at  Vichy  the  other  day,  sought 


THE  EMPEROR'S  EXCUSE  FOR  DELAY.       55 

of  the  order  to  sell  the  ships  and  rid  France  of  any 
political  responsibility  for  their  construction. 

and  obtained  an  interview  with  the  emperor.  After  discussing 
the  local  matters  of  his  district  which  prompted  his  request  for 
an  interview,  he  remarked  a  map  spread  out  upon  the  table,  which 
proved  to  be  a  map  of  the  United  States.  M,  Ancel  expressed 
his  regret  that  the  emperor's  benevolent  design  to  stop  the  terri 
ble  slaughter  in  the  United  States  had  thus  far  proved  ineffective. 
'  Yes,'  the  emperor  replied,  'it  would  have  all  been  stopped  three 
years  ago  if  England  had  been  willing  to  act  with  me '  (or  follow 
my  advice,  or  example,  or  something  of  that  kind). 

"  ' However, ' he  added,  'Lee  will  take  Washington,  and  then 
I  shall  recognize  the  Confederates.  I  have  just  received  the 
news  that  Lee  is  certain  to  take  Washington,  and  he  is  probably 
in  possession  of  the  capital  now.  As  soon  as  the  fact  transpires, 
I  shall  be  justified  in  recognizing  the  Confederate  government, 
and  then  England  will  regret  her  course.  England  always  likes 
to  be  on  the  side  of  the  strongest.' 

"This  is  almost  textually  the  language  of  the  emperor,  as  re 
ported  to  me  by  a  personal  friend  of  M.  Ancel,  who  places  im 
plicit  faith  in  the  report;  nor  do  I  entertain  any  doubt  of  its 
substantial  accuracy.  It  furnishes  a  new  motive  and  explana 
tion  of  Lee's  recent  expedition  north,  which,  without  some  such 
explanation,  wore  an  aspect  of  rashness  and  recklessness  not 
characteristic  of  his  movements. 

"If  any  new  motive  were  needed  for  making  the  defences 
impregnable,  here  you  have  it. 

"Yours  very  faithfully, 

"JOHN  BlGELOW." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

A  Confederate  Iron-clad  Escapes. — Its  Arrival  on  the  French 
Coast. — Takes  Refuge  in  Spain. —  Watched  ty  the  United 
States  Frigate  "Niagara." — Double  Dealing  of  the  Imperial 
Government. 

ON  the  first  of  December,  1864,  the  mission  at 
Paris  became  vacant  by  the  sudden  decease  of  Mr. 
Dayton.  On  the  12th  of  January  I  was  charged 
with  its  duties. 

As  soon  as  my  letters  of  credence  had  been  pre 
sented  I  proceeded  to  verify  a  report  which  had 
reached  me,  that  two  of  Arman's  vessels  had  been 
sold  to  the  Peruvian  government.  I  was  assured  by 
M.  Barreda,  then  the  Peruvian  Minister  in  Paris, 
that  he  had  bought  the  corvettes  Shanghai  and  San 
Francisco  for  the  Peruvian  navy,  and  that  both  had 
sailed  fully  armed,  under  orders  of  the  Peruvian 
government. 

In  a  few  days  more  it  transpired  that  the  re 
maining  corvettes  and  one  of  the  rams  had  been 
sold  to  Prussia,  and  the  second  to  Denmark.  I  was 
beginning  to  feel  that  at  last  the  dangers  which 
threatened  us  from  that  quarter  of  the  horizon  were 
conjured ;  that  we  need  no  longer  apprehend  the 
destruction  of  our  commerce  and  the  devastation 
of  our  seaports  by  the  rams,  nor  any  serious  dis 
turbance  of  our  relations  with  France,  which  must 


ESCAPE   OF  THE   "  STOERKODDER."  57 

have  followed  the  appearance  of  either  of  them  in 
American  waters  at  any  time  before  the  termina 
tion  of  the  war.  But  my  respite  from  anxiety  was 
destined  to  be  of  short  duration.  It  was  true  that 
the  Shanghai  and  San  Francisco  had  been  bought 
in  good  faith  by  Peru  and  had  been  delivered.  It 
was  also  true  that  negotiations  were  pending,  which 
were  ultimately  consummated,  for  the  sale  of  one 
of  the  rams  and  some  of  the  corvettes  to  the 
Prussian  government,  but  it  was  not  true  that  the 
sale  to  Sweden  had  been  consummated.  Late  in  the 
afternoon  of  Saturday,  the  28th  of  January,  our 
consul  at  Nantes  notified  me  that  the  ram  which 
Arman  pretended  to  have  sold  to  the  Danish  gov 
ernment,  and  which  had  left  Bordeaux  for  Copen 
hagen  under  the  name  of  the  Stoerkodder,  had  sailed 
from  that  port  again  under  the  name  of  Olinde,  and 
was  now  lying  in  the  bay  of  Quiberon,  on  the 
French  coast,  where  she  had  discharged  her  Danish 
crew  of  forty-two  men  on  board  a  vessel  sent  from 
the  yard  of  Messrs.  Dubigeon  fils  of  St.  Nazaire, 
which  vessel  had  brought  to  the  ship  a  load  of  coal ; 
also  that  a  British  steamer  had  been  alongside  of 
the  Olinde  with  a  supply  of  guns,  ammunition,  and 
a  crew,  which  were  also  put  on  board. 

I  immediately  communicated  these  facts  to  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  on  the  following 
day.  although  it  was  the  Sabbath,  I  betook  myself 
at  an  early  hour  to  the  Ministry  of  Marine.  M. 
Chasseloup-Loubat  professed  ignorance,  but  said 
that  he  would  telegraph  at  once  for  information, 
adding  that  Arman  had  deceived  him  twice  and 


58      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

might  try  to  do  it  again ;  if  so,  they  could  not  help 
it,  as  the  point  where  these  vessels  lay  was  not 
under  any  guns  of  the  government.  I  replied  that 
the  transfer  had  occurred  in  French  waters,  that 
the  vessel  had  been  coaled  clandestinely  from  a 
French  steamer,  and  that  intelligence  of  these  facts 
had  reached  me  indirectly  through  a  French  govern 
ment  officer.  He  repeated  that  the  waters  in  which 
this  vessel  was  lying  were  not  under  government 
surveillance;  then,  as  if  beginning  to  realize  the 
weakness  of  that  position,  he  took  the  ground  that 
the  vessel  had  been  sold  to  the  Danish  govern 
ment,  which  had  thereby  become  responsible  for 
the  use  that  should  be  made  of  it.  I  asked  if  he 
had  any  evidence  that  the  Danish  government  had 
accepted  the  vessel  before  she  left  France.  He  re 
plied  that,  as  it  was  a  vessel-of-war,  it  could  not 
have  received  his  authorization  to  leave  without 
first  exhibiting  a  contract  for  its  purchase  by  some 
neutral  government ;  that  it  did  produce  one  from 
the  Danish  government,  and  if  that  government  did 
not  intend  to  keep  the  ship,  it  should,  by  a  proper 
notification,  have  placed  it  once  more  under  French 
jurisdiction ;  till  then,  Denmark  and  not  France  was 
responsible  for  the  vessel. 

This  brief  but  animated  discussion  had  greatly 
simplified  the  issue  between  us.  The  question  left 
to  be  settled  was  whether  the  Danish  government 
had  or  had  not  made  itself  responsible  for  the 
future  career  of  the  steamer.  I  betook  myself  im 
mediately  to  the  Danish  Legation,  but  as  Count 
Moltke,  the  Danish  Minister  in  Paris,  chanced  to  be 


DENMARK  REPUDIATES.  59 

absent,  I  called  the  following  day,  January  31, 1865, 
when  I  learned  from  him  that  there  had  been 
negotiations  pending  between  his  government  and 
Arman ;  but  the  Danish  inspector  had  informed 
Arman  before  the  vessel  left  Bordeaux  that  she 
would  not  be  accepted,  as  she  had  not  been  delivered 
according  to  the  conditions  of  the  contract.  Count 
Moltke  said,  further,  that  Arman  sent  her  to  Copen 
hagen  in  spite  of  this  notice,  with  a  French  crew  in 
charge  of  a  M.  Arnous  de  la  Riviere ;  that  on  her  ar 
rival  the  crew  was  sent  home,  and  after  laying  there 
some  three  months,  the  Danish  government  persist 
ing  in  its  refusal  to  accept  her,  Arnous  hired  a 
Danish  captain  and  crew  to  bring  the  ship  to  Bor 
deaux.  Count  Moltke  also  informed  me  that  Ar 
nous  had  been  to  see  him  the  day  before  in  com 
pany  with  the  Danish  pilot  and  captain,  and  he 
gave  as  his  reason  for  stopping  in  the  bay  of 
Quiberon  that  his  engineers  were  unskilful,  his 
sailors  mutinous,  and  his  oil  had  given  out.  This 
last  embarrassment  struck  the  count  as  quite  a 
novelty  in  the  category  of  maritime  disasters,  and 
helped  to  confirm  his  suspicions  in  regard  to  the 
whole  transaction.  The  count  said  there  could  be 
no  mistake  about  the  main  fact  so  important  in 
determining  where  the  responsibility  must  rest  for 
the  escape  of  the  Stoerkodder — the  name  under 
which  the  Olinde  had  sailed  from  Bordeaux — that 
she  never  for  one  moment  passed  out  of  the  control 
of  Arman  und  his  agents,  and  therefore  was  never 
for  one  moment  under  the  control  of  the  Danish 
government.  In  speaking  of  the  alleged  defective 


60     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVF. 

construction  of  the  Stoerkodder,  Arnous  admitted 
to  Count  Moltke  her  predatory  destination  in  the 
remark  "that  she  was  a  terrible  vessel,  and  was 
going  to  make  terrible  havoc  among  the  blockad 
ing  squadrons  of  the  Federals." 

Whether  in  her  make-up  and  speed  the  Stoer- 
kodder  did  or  did  not  conform  to  the  terms  of  the 
contract  of  Arman  with  the  Danish  government, 
there  was  one  reason  more  decisive  than  all  others 
for  its  availing  itself  of  any  pretext  for  not  accept 
ing  the  steamer.  His  contract  with  Denmark  bound 
Arman  to  deliver  the  vessel,  at  that  time  known  as 
the  Sphinx,  by  the  14th  of  June,  1864,  under  a 
penalty  of  1000  francs  for  every  day's  delay.  The 
time  of  her  delivery  was  of  vital  importance  to 
Denmark,  then  engaged  in  a  supreme  but  very  un 
equal  struggle  with  the  combined  forces  of  Prussia 
and  Austria  for  the  retention  of  the  duchies  of 
Schleswig  and  of  Holstein.  Having  but  a  small 
land  force,  she  relied  mainly  upon  her  fleet,  which 
was  not  to  be  despised.  The  acquisition  of  a  ram 
like  the  Stonewall*  at  that  moment  would  have 
proved  to  her  of  incalculable  importance.  Arman, 
however,  could  not,  or  at  least  did  not,  tender  the 
vessel  until  October,  and  after  the  Schleswig-Hol- 
stein  question  was  settled  and  Denmark  had  sub 
mitted  to  the  terms  which  her  enemies  dictated. 

Of  course  the  Stonewall  had  by  this  time  become 
an  article  of  luxury  which  Denmark  had  neither 


*  This  was  the  significant  name  for  which  that  of  Stoerkodder 
had  been  exchanged  after  she  left  Copenhagen. 


FRANCE'S   RESPONSIBILITY.  61 

disposition  nor  means  to  indulge  herself  with,  and 
she  did  not  hesitate  to  take  advantage  of  Arman's 
neglect  to  comply  with  the  terms  of  his  contract. 

In  order  to  put  upon  the  files  of  the  French 
Foreign  Office  an  official  record  of  what  I  regarded 
as  established  facts  in  regard  to  the  escape  of  the 
Stoerkodder,  alias  the  Olinde,  alias  the  Stonewall, 
from  the  waters  of  France  and  her  return  to  it,  I 
addressed  a  communication  to  the  Minister  of  For 
eign  Affairs  on  the  2d  of  February,  reciting  the 
false  pretences  under  which  she  obtained  leave  to 
sail  for  Copenhagen,  and  a  history  of  her  subse 
quent  career  until  she  received  a  Confederate  crew, 
armament,  and  coals  in  the  bay  of  Quiberon ;  I  con 
cluded  my  statement  with  the  following  assign 
ment  of  reasons  for  sending  it : 

"I  take  leave  to  bring  these  statements,  which  all  come  from 
authentic  sources,  thus  promptly  to  the  notice  of  your  Excellency 
in  the  hope  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  inform  me  if  they  differ 
in  any  important  particulars,  and  if  so  in  what,  from  the  reports 
which  have  reached  the  Imperial  government,  that  my  own 
government  may  be  assisted  by  an  undisputed  record  of  facts,  in 
determining  precisely  where  the  responsibility  should  rest  for 
the  depredations  which  are  to  be  apprehended  from  the  irregular 
and  presumptively  piratical  manner  in  which  the  Olinde  quitted 
the  waters  of  France. 

"While  I  sincerely  hope  these  apprehensions  may  prove  to 
have  been  groundless,  I  do  not  feel  sufficient  doubt  of  the  final 
destination  of  the  Olinde  to  justify  me  in  neglecting  any  pre 
caution  which  it  would  be.  proper  for  me  to  take  if  my  appre 
hensions  were  convictions."* 

My  remonstrances  seemed  to  have  been  not  with- 
*  Dip.  Cor.  1864-5. 


62      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

out  effect  upon  the  Imperial  government,  for  only 
two  days  after  this  letter  was  received  at  the  For 
eign  Office,  I  received  a  telegram  from  Mr.  Per 
ry,  our  Charge  at  Madrid,  informing  me  that  the 
Olinde,  which  had  practically  avowed  her  piratical 
genealogy  and  destination  by  taking  the  name  of 
Stonewall,  had  arrived  at  Ferrol  in  Spain,  and  had 
gone  into  the  dock  for  repairs.  I  immediately 
waited  upon  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  and  suggested  to 
him  the  propriety  of  instructing  his  ambassador  at 
Madrid  to  detain  the  Stonewall,  at  least  until  the 
inquest  which  the  Minister  of  Marine  was  making 
was  completed.  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  replied  that 
he  had  written  twice  to  the  Minister  of  Marine  for 
his  report,  upon  which  he  could  order  an  inquest  by 
the  Minister  of  Justice — another  device  for  evasion 
and  delay — but  had  received  as  yet  no  answer. 
He  hesitated  to  give  any  order  upon  the  subject 
until  he  had  the  official  report  of  the  minister 
before  him.  His  greater  trouble  obviously  was, 
lest,  in  giving  such  an  order,  he  might  be  assuming 
for  his  government  a  greater  degree  of  responsi 
bility  for  what  had  occurred  in  Quiberon  Bay  than 
was  consistent  with  his  theory  that  the  Stonewall 
was  a  Danish  and  not  a  French  vessel.  I  insisted 
that  a  crime  against  the  laws  of  France  had  been 
committed,  and  hence  the  inquest  upon  which  the 
Minister  of  Marine  was  engaged;  that  until  the 
author  and  the  extent  of  that  crime  were  ascer 
tained  and  punished,  France  was  interested  in  de 
taining  the  vessel  and  all  on  board  as  contingently 
liable  in  damages;  that  this  right  was  quite  inde- 


FRANCE'S   RESPONSIBILITY.  63 

pendent  of  the  nationality  of  the  vessel ;  and,  final 
ly,  that  the  Stonewall  was  the  Corps  de  delit,  and 
France  had  the  right  to  insist  on  her  remaining  at 
Ferrol  to  await  the  impending  investigation. 

From  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  partly  at 
the  suggestion  of  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  I  went  to 
the  Minister  of  Marine.  He  informed  me  that  the 
report  was  ready  and  that  he  was  just  then  about 
sending  it  to  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys.  When  I  had 
seen  it  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  messenger — for  I 
let  him  see  that  I  was  waiting  till  it  should  go — I 
returned  to  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs,  with 
the  intention  of  reinforcing  my  suggestion  made  at 
the  previous  interview.  I  was  told  the  minister 
had  gone  out  to  drive,  which  was  highly  probable, 
for  I  am  sure  he  did  not  wish  to  see  me  again, 
while  he  must  have  been  morally  certain  that  I 
would  soon  be  back.  Returned  to  my  Legation,  I 
addressed  him  a  note  urging  the  expediency  and 
importance  of  instructing  his  ambassador  at  Mad 
rid  at  once  to  request  the  Spanish  government  to 
detain  the  Stonewall  until  the  inquiry  which  the 
Minister  of  Justice  had  been  or  was  to  be  instructed 
to  institute  into  the  circumstances  attending  the 
StonewalUs  equipment  and  departure  from  France 
had  been  completed.  I  also  suggested  to  him  as  a 
precedent  by  which  to  prove  to  the  Spanish  govern 
ment  that  the  Imperial  government  would  be  ask 
ing  no  more  than  it  was  willing  to  concede  the 
case  of  the  Rappahannock,  a  Confederate  vessel 
then  lying  at  Calais,  by  virtue  of  a  procedure  pre 
cisely  similar  in  all  important  particulars  to  that 


64      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

which  I  proposed  to  have  instituted  against  the 
Stonewall.  "If  your  Excellency,"  I  concluded, 
"should  estimate  the  importance  of  preventing 
this  steamer  from  leaving  the  west  coast  of  Eu 
rope  under  the  flag  of  the  so-called  Confederate 
government  as  highly  as  I  do,  you  will  pardon  the 
earnestness  with  which  I  press  a  course  of  proceed 
ing  which  promises  a  speedy,  natural,  and  satisfac 
tory  solution  of  what  threatens  to  become  a  very 
troublesome  case."  Three  days  after  this  com 
munication  was  sent  to  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  I  re 
ceived  from  him  the  following  reply : 

M.  DROUYN  DE  LHUTS  TO  MR.  BIGELOW. 

(Translation.)     ..pABrs>  m7_  Ig65 

"Sir, — Upon  the  receipt  of  the  letters  \vhich  you  did  me  the 
honor  to  write  me  the  28th  of  January  last  and  the  2d  of  this 
month,  I  hastened  to  call  the  attention  of  his  Excellency  M.  the 
Minister  of  Marine  to  the  facts  which  you  mention,  begging  him 
to  be  pleased  to  communicate  to  me  all  the  information  which 
he  could  possibly  collect  concerning  the  appearance  and  sojourn 
upon  the  coast  of  France  of  a  vessel-of-war  sailing  under  the 
Danish  flag,  and  which  your  information  indicates  as  destined 
to  cruise  on  behalf  of  the  Confederate  States.  I  have  just  re 
ceived  from  the  Count  de  Chasseloup-Loubat  the  information 
which  permits  me  to  answer  the  questions  which  jrou  have  ad 
dressed  to  me.  The  Olinde  (this  is  the  name  which  the  vessel 
bore  which  appeared  upon  our  coast)  being  in  jrour  opinion — as, 
indeed,  certain  indications  also  authorize  us  in  supposing— the 
same  vessel  which  under  the  name  of  SpJiinx  last  year  went  out 
from  the  ship-yard  of  M.  Arman,  a  French  ship-builder,  I  think  it 
my  duty  here  first  to  recall  the  circumstances  under  which  the 
Sphinx  was  authorized  to  leave  the  port  of  Bordeaux.  When 
it  was  a  question  of  her  delivery  to  her  purchaser,  the  govern 
ment  of  the  emperor  took  care  to  assure  itself  that  the  sale  of 
this  vessel  was  not  a  cloak  to  any  operation  contrary  to  the  neu 
trality  which  it  observed,  and  which  it  has  constantly  watched 


M.  DROUYN  DE  LHUY'S  EEPLY.  65 

pursuant  to  the  provisions  of  law,  in  order  that  no  violation 
should  occur  from  its  own  subjects.  It  proceeded,  therefore,  to 
the  strictest  investigation,  and  it  was  only  when  M.  Arman  had 
established,  by  the  most  unexceptionable  proof— that  is  to  say, 
by  the  production  of  his  bill  of  sale— that  the  Sphinx  was  really 
sold  to  a  European  non-belligerent  power,  that  its  exit  from  the 
port  of  Bordeaux  was  authorized. 

"  The  1st  of  October,  the  testimony  of  M.  the  Minister  of  Den 
mark  at  Paris,  supported  by  that  of  his  minister  at  Copenhagen, 
fully  confirmed  the  declaration  of  M.  Arman,  and  the  authen 
ticity  of  the  title  which  he  had  produced.  There  could  then  be 
no  doubt  as  to  the  real  destination  of  the  vessel,  which  in  effect, 
on  quitting  France,  was  sent  to  Denmark. 

"Here,  according  to  what  you  write  me,  sir,  arose  a  new  or 
der  of  facts,  a  consequence  of  which  was  the  transfer  into  other 
hands  of  the  ownership  of  the  vessel  in  question.  Upon  this 
point  the  government  of  the  emperor  does  not  possess  any  other 
information  than  that  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  transmit 
to  me,  and  the  absence  of  M.  Arman  at  Berlin  at  this  moment 
has  not  permitted  us  to  ask  any  from  him.  One  cannot  be  as 
tonished,  however,  at  the  ignorance  in  which  the  French  admin 
istration  finds  itself  concerning  what  passed  during  the  stay  of 
the  Sphinx  in  Denmark,  since  this  vessel  had  then  ceased  to  be 
a  French  vessel.  We  have  neither  any  reason  nor  any  right  to 
make  an  inquiry  into  the  matter.  It  would,  indeed,  have  been, 
on  the  part  of  the  government  of  the  emperor,  passing  the  limits 
of  what  comports  with  the  most  scrupulous  neutrality  to  pre 
tend  to  exercise  a  control  over  the  ulterior  destination  of  a  ves 
sel  having  become  the  property  of  a  neutral  power  and  defini 
tively  escaped  from  its  jurisdiction. 

"  As  to  the  arrival  of  the  Olinde  in  French  waters,  the  report 
which  M.  the  Minister  of  Marine  has  addressed  to  me,  and  of 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  send  you  herewith  a  copy,  estab 
lishes,  as  you  will  see,  sir,  that  she  presented  herself  there  un 
der  the  Danish  flag,  manned  by  a  Danish  crew — that  is  to  say, 
with  every  quality  which  constituted  for  her  a  Danish  nation 
ality. 

"Her  arrival  upon  our  coast  had  nothing  unusual  in  it  nor 
anything  which  would  call  particular  attention  to  her  if  she 
was  joined  there  by  an  English  vessel ;  that  was  but  a  very  or- 


66      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

dinary  fact,  not  being,  either,  of  a  nature  to  arouse  any  special 
attention. 

"There  is,  therefore,  no  occasion  for  being  surprised  that  the 
stay  of  this  vessel  should  have  passed  unnoticed,  particularly  if 
one  considers  the  insufficiency  of  the  means  of  surveillance  in 
open  roadsteads,  such  as  those  where  she  anchored.  Upon  all 
these  points  the  accompanying  letter  of  M.  le  Comte  de  Chasse- 
loup-Loubat  will  furnish  you  the  most  conclusive  information. 

"In  announcing  to  me,  sir,  by  your  letter  of  the  5th  of  this 
month,  that  the  vessel  which  you  consider  as  at  present  belong 
ing  to  the  Confederates  had,  under  the  name  of  Stonewall,  en 
tered  the  port  of  Ferrol,  you  expressed  the  wish  that  the  govern 
ment  of  the  emperor  would  intercede  with  that  of  her  Catholic 
majesty,  with  the  view  of  procuring  her  detention.  I  would  be 
happy  to  be  able  to  respond  to  the  desire  which  you  have  done 
me  the  honor  to  express  to  me,  but  it  is  not  possible  for  me  to 
understand  by  what  right  I  would  be  permitted  to  do  so.  I 
need  not  say  that  the  police  of  her  ports  appertains  to  the  Span 
ish  government  alone  ;  and  in  this  case  no  particular  circum 
stance  would  authorize  the  intervention  of  the  government  of 
his  majesty.  As  results  from  the  facts  which  I  have  just  re 
called,  the  regular  sale  which  has  been  made  of  the  vessel  in 
question,  to  a  neutral  power,  took  from  her  her  character  as  a 
French  vessel,  and  we  had  no  longer  any  right  to  ask  then  that 
under  this  title  in  a  port  of  Spain  she  be  subjected  to  special 
measures  of  surveillance  or  of  coercion.  You  will  understand, 
sir,  that  to  act  thus  without  any  right  of  our  own,  and  in  an  in 
terest  that  is  foreign  to  us,  would  be  to  depart  by  an  unjustifi 
able  step  from  the  attitude  of  strict  abstention  which  we  ought 
to  preserve  in  the  war,  and  to  infringe,  to  the  detriment  of  one 
of  the  parties  and  to  the  profit  of  the  other,  the  neutrality  which 
we  desire  to  observe  towards  both.  The  Danish  government 
might,  perhaps,  if  it  judged  proper,  take  the  initiative  in  this 
matter,  which  to  us  is  in  any  case  interdicted.  The  government 
of  the  emperor  would  certainly  regret,  sir,  as  deeply  as  any  one, 
that  the  Stonewall  should  ultimately  receive  the  destination  of 
which  you  were  apprehensive,  and  the  injury  which  might  re 
sult  thereby  to  the  commerce  of  the  United  States.  But,  un 
fortunately,  it  does  not  depend  upon  it  to  place  an  obstacle  to 
this.  It  is  only  conscious  of  having  taken  the  greatest  possible 


M.  DKOUYN  DE  LHUY'S  REPLY.  67 

care  not  to  depart  from  the  rules  which  it  has  laid  down  for  it 
self,  and  which  evinces,  at  the  same  time,  its  kindly  feelings 
towards  the  United  States,  and  its  wish  to  relieve  itself  from  all 
responsibility.  In  this  case,  as  in  all  circumstances,  it  has  strict 
ly  conformed  to  the  principles  of  neutrality  which  have  not 
ceased  to  govern  and  to  inspire  all  its  actions. 

"  I  will  finish,  sir,  by  a  last  observation  upon  the  subject  of  the 
analogy  which  the  situation  of  the  Stonewall  in  the  port  of  Fer- 
rol  seems  to  you  to  offer  to  that  of  the  Rappahannock  in  the  port 
of  Calais.  Even  were  the  situations  of  these  two  ships  the  same, 
the  government  of  the  emperor  would  not  be  held  to  account  for 
it,  as  far  as  it  is  concerned,  since  the  Stonewall  is  in  a  Spanish 
port,  where  we  have  no  jurisdiction. 

"But,  in  my  opinion,  the  circumstances  under  which  the  two 
vessels  presented  themselves — the  one  at  Calais,  the  other  at 
Ferrol,  are  entirely  different.  You  will  in  effect  remember,  sir, 
that  the  Rappahannock  was,  as  supposed,  a  vessel  of  commerce 
having  left  a  port  of  England,  and  which,  having  taken  refuge 
in  a  French  port,  attempted  to  transform  herself  there  into  a 
vessel-of-war.  Faithful  to  its  principles,  the  government  of  the 
emperor  did  not  permit  this  transformation  to  take  place  in  its 
waters,  and  opposed  the  going  out  of  the  ship.  The  vessel 
whose  presence  at  Ferrol  you  mention  seems  to  have  presented 
herself  there  under  circumstances  entirely  different,  which  it 
seems  to  me  do  not  allow  of  any  assimilation  to  the  precedent 
which  you  recall. 

"Receive,  sir,  the  assurance  of  the  very  distinguished  consid 
eration  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"  Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

"DROUYN  DE  LHUYS." 

TUB  MINISTER  OP  MARINE  TO  THE  MINISTER  OF  FOREIGN 
AFFAIRS. 

(Translation.) 

"PARIS,  Feb.  5, 1865. 

"  Dear  Mr.  Minister  and  Colleague, — You  did  me  the  honor  to 
transmit  to  me  the  copy  of  a  letter  which  M.  the  Charge  d' Af 
faires  of  the  United  States  had  written  to  you,  and  in  which  he 
mentioned  the  arrival  at  Belleisle  and  off  the  island  of  Houat 
of  two  vessels  recently  constructed  in  France,  sailing  at  present 


68     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

under  the  Danish  flag,  but  which,  according  to  him,  are  destined 
to  cruise  on  behalf  of  the  Confederate  States. 

"Mr.  Bigelow  thinks  that  the  ram  vessel  is  the  Sphinx,  con 
structed  by  M.  Arman  of  Bordeaux.  Your  Excellency  remembers 
that  this  vessel,  as  also  the  other  ships-of-war  which  left  the  yards 
of  this  ship-builder,  were  stopped  by  my  orders  until  M.  Arman 
should  have  proved  to  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs  their 
regular  sale  to  a  neutral  power. 

"  The  3d  of  October  last,  your  Excellency  having  made  known 
to  me  that  the  proof  had  been  produced  by  M.  Arman,  and  that 
the  Sphinx  had  been  really  sold  to  the  Danish  government,  which 
had  just  concluded  the  preliminaries  of  peace,  there  was  no 
longer  any  motive  for  detaining  the  vessel.  She  left  then  for 
Helsingport,  and  she  does  not  appear  to  have  carried  any  other 
but  the  Danish  flag. 

"  According  to  what  Mr.  Bigelow  tells  me  (but  what  no  offi 
cial  document  has  made  known  to  me),  it  would  appear,  in  con 
sequence  of  difficulties  raised  between  the  Danish  government 
and  M.  Arman,  this  vessel  was  refused,  and  the  latter,  remaining 
the  owner,  had  arranged  with  the  agents  of  the  Confederate 
States  to  deliver  her  to  them. 

"  However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  the  vessel  which  ap 
peared  in  the  waters  of  Belleisle  was  of  a  construction  similar  to 
that  of  the  Sphinx  ;  she  carried  the  Danish  flag  and  had  a  Da 
nish  crew  when  she  anchored  in  the  roadstead  of  Calais.  She 
afterwards  went  to  the  island  of  Houat.  A  side-wheel  steamer 
under  the  English  flag  joined  her  there,  it  appeared,  and  the  bad 
weather  might  naturally  cause  the  belief  that  this  vessel  had 
also  put  into  port.  At  length  the  French  steamer,  the  Expeditif, 
brought  coal  to  these  vessels.  These  incidents  could  not  but 
appear  very  natural ;  similar  cases  constantly  occur,  and  it  is  not 
customary  to  make  inquiries  into  what  a  foreign  vessel-of-war 
comes  into  port  to  do,  particularly  in  bad  weather,  upon  a  friend 
ly  coast. 

"  I  think  it  my  duty  to  direct  your  Excellency's  attention  to 
the  fact,  also,  that  we  have  not  the  means  of  exercising  an  ef 
fective  surveillance  over  vessels  which  anchor  in  our  open  road 
steads.  Upon  the  other  hand,  I  would  add  that,  on  account  of 
prevailing  bad  weather,  communications  have  been  infrequent 
with  the  island  of  Houat,  situated  opposite  the  bay  of  Quibe- 


LETTER  OF   THE  MINISTER  OF  MARINE.  69 

ron,  near  which  the  vessels  were  anchored ;  and  finally,  that  there 
exists  upon  this  little  island  neither  telegraphic  bureau  nor  sema 
phore. 

"However,  I  have  asked  the  maritime  authorities  of  Belle- 
isle,  and  at  the  different  points  of  the  coast  which  are  contigu 
ous  to  the  waters  of  Houat  Island,  for  information  upon  the 
movements  of  the  vessels  mentioned  by  M.  the  Charge  cC  Affaires 
of  the  United  States. 

"  As  far  as  the  supposition  of  Mr.  Bigelow  is  concerned,  that 
the  ram  vessel  was  destined  to  cruise  under  the  flag  of  the  Con 
federate  States,  it  would  be  for  Denmark  to  respond  to  him, 
since  her  crew  was  Danish,  she  carried  the  Danish  flag,  and,  as 
you  have  remarked,  she  had  been  regularly  sold  to  the  Danish 
government. 

"The  facts  in  question  could  not  then,  in  any  case,  concern 
us,  and  I  believe  it  unnecessary  to  recall  the  fact  that,  under  all 
circumstances,  the  government  of  the  emperor  has  always  made 
it  a  duty  to  observe  and  to  cause  to  be  observed  the  most  strict 
and  loyal  neutrality  between  the  two  parties  who  at  present  di 
vide  the  United  States  of  America." 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Spanish  Government  Asked  to  Detain  the  Stonewall. —  Com 
modore  Craven's  Embarrassment. — Report  of  the  United  States 

Charge  d*  Affaires  at  Madrid.— The  Career  of  the  Stonewall 
Described  by  her  Captain  until  her  Final  Surrender  to  the 

United  States  Authorities  at  Havana. —  Vindication  of  Com 
modore  Craven. 

IT  required  all  my  self-control  not  to  betray  the 
disgust  with  which  the  obvious  bad  faith  of  these 
letters  inspired  me,  but  it  was  not  until  many  years 
after  the  events  I  am  describing  that  I  realized  the 
extent  of  it.  The  subject  upon  which  this  cor 
respondence  threw  most  light  was  the  hopeless  ex 
tent  to  which  the  Imperial  government  had  com 
promised  itself  with  the  Confederates  and  with 
Arman.  No  resource  was  left  it  but  silence  or 
evasion.  I  immediately  wrote  to  Mr.  Perry,  then 
in  charge  of  our  Legation  at  Madrid  (who  mean 
time  had  informed  me  that  the  Stonewall  could  be 
detained  for  a  few  days),  the  following  despatch : 

MR.  BIGELOW  TO  MR.  PERRY. 

"Februarys,  1865. 

"Dear  Sir, — I  was  gratified  to  learn  by  your  telegrams  of 
Monday  and  to-day  that  the  Stonewall  can  be  detained  a  few 
days;  that  will  suffice  for  the  frigate  Niagara,  Commodore  Cra 
ven,  which  I  presume  left  Dover  on  Monday,  to  reach  Ferrol. 

"The  French  government  decline  to  meddle  with  the  Stone 
wall  in  Spain.  Their  theory,  to  which  they  will  naturally  adhere 
as  long  as  possible,  is  that  she  was  a  Danish  vessel  until  she  went 


COMMODORE  CRAVEN.  71 

into  Confederate  hands,  and  that  it  is  for  Denmark,  and  not  for 
France,  to  intercede  with  Spain  for  her  detention. 

"As  no  assistance  is  to  be  expected  from  this  quarter,  you 
will  need  no  suggestion  from  any  one  to  use  every  proper  influ 
ence  with  the  Spanish  government  to  detain  the  Stonewall,  at 
least  until  you  hear  from  our  government. 

"I  do  not  know  the  relative  strength  of  the  two  vessels,  but 
the  result  of  a  conflict  between  the  Stonewall  and  the  Niagara 
might  be  sufficiently  uncertain  to  make  it  bad  policy  to  risk  one 
unnecessarily.  Upon  that  point,  however,  Commodore  Craven 
is  authority. 

"  The  Stonewall  carries  one  300-pounder  and  two  120-pounders 
I  am  told,  in  addition  to  any  guns  she  may  have  received  the 
other  day  from  the  Duke  of  Richmond. 

"I remain,  dear  sir," etc. 

On  the  25th  of  February  I  received  the  follow 
ing  note  by  a  private  messenger  from  Commodore 
Craven : 

COMMODORE  CRAVEN  TO  MR.  BIGELOW. 

"U.  S.  SHIP  'NIAGARA,' 
FERROL,  February  20, 1865. 

''Dear  Sir,— Your  letter  of  the  13th  instant  I  have  just  re 
ceived.  As  I  have  already  informed  you  by  telegrams,  I  arrived 
at  Corunna  on  the  morning  of  the  llth  instant,  and  there  learned 
that  the  rebel  ram  Stonewall,  Captain  Thomas  J.  Page,  had  put 
into  that  port  on  or  about  the  2cl  instant  in  a  leaky  condition; 
and  after  remaining  there  three  days  went  to  Ferrol  for  repairs, 
and  that  she  would  be  ready  for  sea  on  or  about  the  14th  instant. 
On  the  evening  of  the  15th  I  came  here  and  was  informed  on  the 
following  morning,  by  the  military  and  civil  governors  of  the 
place,  that  the  Stonewall  had  been  reported  as  being  ready  for 
sea,  but  her  commander  had  not  appointed  a  day  for  sailing. 
On  the  morning  of  the  17th  our  consular  agent  came  on  board 
and  in  great  glee  informed  me  that  the  governor  had  called  upon 
him,  and  said  that  Captain  Page  had  asked  if  there  would  be 
any  objection  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  government  to  his  ab 
senting  himself  for  a  few  days  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  Paris; 
that  his  vessel  still  leaked  badly,  and  he  wished  to  confer  with 


72      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

the  Confederate  Commissioners  in  relation  to  selling  the  Stone 
wall,  or  compelling  the  contractors  to  take  her  back,  as  she  did 
not  come  up  to  the  contract  and  was  not  seaworthy.  On  the 
evening  of  the  17th,  Page  took  passage  in  a  Spanish  war  steamer 
for  Corunna,  en  route  for  Madrid  and  Paris.  On  the  evening  of 
the  18th  our  consular  agent  came  on  board  and  informed  me  that 
Page  had  given  out  to  the  people  at  Corunna  that  his  repairs 
were  all  completed,  and  that  he  was  going  to  Paris  for  the  pur 
pose  of  purchasing  another  vessel. 

"When  I  arrived  at  this  port,  there  was  lying  lashed  to  the 
port  side  of  the  ram  a  Spanish  government  hulk,  in  which  were 
deposited  her  stores,  ammunition,  etc.,  and  for  the  first  two  or 
three  days  these  symptoms  of  leakage  have  disappeared.  The 
Spanish  corvette  (hulk)  was  hauled  off  from  her  side  yesterday 
morning,  and  to-day  she  is  taking  in  coal  and  appears  otherwise 
ready  to  sail  at  any  moment.  I  am  inclined  to  suspect  all  re 
ports  relative  to  the  continuance  of  her  leak  as  being  a  humbug, 
or,  in  other  words,  she  is  playing  '  possum.' 

"  She  is  a  very  formidable  vessel,  being  completely  cased  with 
5-inch  plates  of  iron.  Under  her  topgallant  forecastle  is  her 
casemated  300-pounder  Armstrong  gun.  On  her  quarter-deck  in 
a  turret  are  two  other  rifled  guns,  100  or  120  pounders;  besides 
these  she  has  two  smaller  guns  in  broadside. 

"If  she  is  as  fast  as  reputed  to  be  in  smooth  water,  she  would 
be  more  than  a  match  for  three  such  ships  as  the  Niagara.  So, 
sir,  you  will  readily  perceive  I  am  placed  in  a  most  unenviable 
predicament,  and  that  our  only  chance  for  cutting  short  her 
career  rests  upon  the  possibility  of  detaining  her  here  until  such 
time  as  our  government  sees  fit  to  send  out  the  necessary  rein 
forcements." 

I  immediately  addressed  the  commodore  the  fol 
lowing  letter : 

MR.  BIGELOW  TO  COMMODORE  CRAVEN. 

"UNITED  STATES  LEGATION, 

PARIS,  February  27, 1865. 

"Dear  Commodore, — I  received  your  despatch  by  private  mes 
senger  yesterday  morning.  I  hope,  and  incline  to  believe,  that 
your  apprehensions  in  regard  to  the  Stonewall  are  unfounded, 


COMMODORE   CRAVEN.  73 

though  the  risks  are  sufficient  to  justify  every  precaution.  I 
think  the  French  government  has  signified  to  the  Spanish  gov 
ernment  as  decided  a  wish  for  the  detention  of  the  Stonewall  as 
could  be  reconcilable  with  its  theory  of  irresponsibility  for  its 
movements.  It  insists,  moreover,  that  the  Stonewall  was  a  Dan 
ish  vessel,  which,  it  is  true,  abused  the  hospitality  of  French 
waters,  but  escaped  before  her  presence  there  was  recognized  by 
the  official  authority.  I  have  as  yet  no  official  evidence  which 
authorizes  me  to  dispute  the  allegation  that  the  Stonewall  was 
actually  a  Danish  vessel  when  she  entered  Quiberon  Bay,  though 
I  am  daily  expecting  the  Danish  view  of  the  case  from  our  Min 
ister  at  Copenhagen.  I  have  not  neglected  to  present  to  this 
government  every  view  of  the  case  which  seemed  likely  to  dis 
pose  it  to  assist  in  detaining  the  Stojieicall,  and  have  insisted, 
with  as  much  pertinacity  as  I  thought  became  my  position,  upon 
their  concurrence  with  the  Spanish  government  and  our  own  to 
this  end.  That  steps  have  been  taken  to  punish  some  of  the 
parties  engaged  in  equipping  the  Stonewall  and  conniving  at  her 
escape  there  can  be  no  doubt.  To  what  stage  these  efforts  will 
be  carried  time  will  determine. 

"In  regard  to  your  own  position  I  hardly  feel  competent  to 
advise  you.  If  you  have  reason  to  apprehend  any  danger  to 
your  vessel  from  the  Stonewall  in  the  harbor,  you  have  but  one 
of  two  courses  to  pursue— either  you  must  go  out  into  the  open 
sea  where  you  may  encounter  your  enemy  on  fair  terms,  or  you 
may  take  steps  to  deprive  her  of  the  means  of  injuring  you. 
What  these  means  should  be  you  alone  are  competent  to  judge. 
Captain  Page  has  certainly  made  very  public  the  statement  that 
his  ship  was  in  a  very  distressed  condition  when  it  entered  Fer- 
rol,  and  unable  to  cross  the  ocean.  A  letter  from  one  of  the 
officers  has  reached  Paris  of  the  same  tenor.  Whether  these 
statements  are  made  to  mislead  or  are  genuine,  you  can  best 
judge.  I  would  counsel  extreme  prudence  in  all  your  relations 
with  the  Spanish  authorities.  The  United  States  cannot  afford 
to  establish  a  precedent  which  it  would  not  be  willing  to  accept 
as  a  rule.  The  position  of  our  affairs  at  home  is  not  so  desperate 
as  to  afford  us  any  justification  for  irregular  or  lawless  warfare, 
even  if  justifiable  under  different  circumstances.  An  act  of  law 
less  violence  perpetrated  upon  your  vessel  by  the  Stonewall  in 
a  port  of  Spain  would  probably  do  your  country  and  its  cause 

4 


74  FRANCE   AND   THE   CONFEDERATE   NAVY. 

more  good  and  the  Confederates  more  damage  than  the  Niagara 
ever  has  accomplished,  or  can  hope  to  accomplish  in  any  other 
way. 

"But  it  does  not  become  me  to  repeat  such  commonplaces  to 
an  officer  of  your  experience  and  reputation.  I  hope  most 
sincerely  that  you  may  pass  through  your  difficulties  with  success, 
as  I  am  sure  you  will  pass  through  them  with  honor.  I  shall 
wait  most  anxiously  for  news  from  you  and  from  your  gallant 
companions.  I  only  regret  that  I  have  nothing  more  definite 
and  satisfactory  to  offer  you  in  the  way  of  counsel. 

"I  am, "etc. 

On  the  day  succeeding  that  on  which  the  forego 
ing  note  was  written,  Commodore  Craven  addressed 
the  following  to  our  Charge  at  Madrid : 

COMMODORE  CRAVEN  TO  HORATIO  J.  PERRY. 

"  U.  S.  Snip  '  NIAGARA  ,' 
CORUNNA,  February  28,  1865. 

"Dear  Sir, — I  had  the  honor  yesterday  of  receiving  your  de 
spatch  of  the  23d  instant,  with  its  accompanying  copies  of  your 
several  despatches  to  our  Secretary  of  State  at  Washington  and 
to  our  Charge  d"  Affaires  at  Paris,  giving  full  and  very  interesting 
information  of  what  has  been  done  iu  the  matter  of  the  pirate 
ram  Stonewall. 

"You  ask  my  opinion  as  to  the  capability  of  her  going  to  sea 
in  her  present  condition.  I  can  only  answer  this  by  stating  that, 
from  the  information  I  received  on  my  arrival  here,  and  from 
what  I  have  been  able  to  see  of  that  vessel  and  learn  from  our 
agent  and  the  authorities  at  Ferrol,  providing  the  information 
received  can  be  relied  on,  she  is  not  at  this  time  in  a  seaworthy 
condition.  The  leak  has  been  but  imperfectly  stopped  and  might 
at  any  time  break  out  and  become  as  inconvenient  as  ever. 

"Notwithstanding  the  pledges  given  you  by  the  Spanish  min 
isters  that  strict  orders  had  been  issued  to  the  commandant  at 
Ferrol  not  to  allow  any  repairs  except  such  as  were  indispensable 
for  the  safety  of  the  crew  of  the  Stonewall  at  sea  to  be  put  upon 
her,  notwithstanding  the  assurances  of  the  naval  commandant  at 
Ferrol  that  those  orders  had  been  strictly  obeyed,  and  notwith 
standing  I  place  implicit  confidence  in  the  honesty  of  those 


COMMODORE  CRAVEN.  75 

assurances,  I  cannot  help  feeling  that  in  spite  of  their  care  and 
watchfulness  to  prevent  it,  the  pirates  have  had  the  opportunity 
and  have  clandestinely  improved  their  time,  and  have  done  much 
more  than  they  had  proposed  to  do  towards,  not  only  the  repairs, 
but  to  the  fitting  out  of  their  vessel  in  the  bay  of  Ferrol. 

"Besides  other  occupations,  they  were  busily  engaged  for  one 
or  two  days  after  my  arrival  at  that  port  in  filling  up  their  shells 
and  otherwise  preparing  their  battery  for  work. 

"  The  Stonewall  is  a  very  formidable  vessel,  about  one  hundred 
and  seventy-five  feet  long/brig-rigged,  and  completely  clothed  in 
iron  plates  of  five  inches  in  thickness;  under  her  topgallant  fore 
castle  is  her  casemated  Armstrong  300  pounder  rifled  gun, in  a  tur 
ret  abaft  her  mainmast  are  two  120-pounder  rifled  guns,  and  she 
has  two  smaller  guns  mounted  in  broadside.  If  as  fast  as  reported 
to  be  in  smooth  water,  she  ought  to  be  more  than  a  match  for  three 
such  ships  as  the  Niagara.  Should  we  be  so  fortunate,  however, 
as  to  catch  her  out  in  rough  weather  we  might  possibly  be  able 
to  put  an  end  to  her  career.  Our  main  chance  now  depends 
upon  the  possibility  of  detaining  her  where  she  is,  until  the  gov 
ernment  sees  fit  to  send  out  the  proper  reinforcements.  In  the 
meantime,  and  in  any  event,  I  shall  strive  to  do  my  duty. 

"  As  the  Spanish  authorities  have  acknowledged  their  inability 
to  prevent  the  egress  of  the  Stonewall  from  Ferrol,  why  have  I 
not  the  right  '  in  self-defence '  to  seize  upon  the  opportunity  to  run 
her  down  in  that  harbor  ?  I  feel  sorely  tempted  to  try  it,  and  were 
she  in  a  FrencJi  port,  with  the  same  good  reasons  holding,  I  should 
not  long  hesitate  hazarding  tJie  die. 

"In  order  that  you  may  understand  fully  the  part  that  I  have 
taken  in  this  matter,  I  enclose,  herewith,  a  copy  of  a  part  of  a 
letter  which  I  addressed  to  Mr.  Bigelow  on  the  20th,  and  which 
he  has  just  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  by  telegram  on  the  20th. 
I  wished  to  send  you  an  entire  copy  of  that  despatch,  but  it  has 
not  been  copied  in  my  letter-book,  and  I  cannot  lay  my  hand  on 
the  finishing  clause,  which,  however,  was  merely  introductory  of 
a  gentleman  who  kindly  volunteered  to  bear  my  despatch  to 
Paris,  and  is  of  no  importance. 

"Thanking  you,  sir,  for  your  kind  consideration  in  loaning 
me  those  press  copies  of  your  correspondence,  which  are  here 
with  returned, 

"I  am,  with  great  respect,  etc.,  Js,  CRAVEN." 


76      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

On  the  6th  of  March  I  notified  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  upon  the  authority  of  our  consul, 
Mr.  Dudley,  at  Liverpool,  that  the  crew  of  the  Con 
federate  steamer  Florida  had  been  shipped  on  board 
the  Stonewall  while  lying  at  Ferrol.  "  I  hasten  to 
bring  this  information  to  your  Excellency's  knowl 
edge,"  I  said,  "  that  the  parties  who  may  be  con 
cerned  in  the  perpetration  of  this  crime  may,  by  the 
laws  of  France,  receive  speedy  and  condign  punish 
ment." 

The  Imperial  government  assumed  to  have  a  suf 
ficient  pretext  for  taking  no  further  responsibilities 
upon  itself  for  the  career  of  the  Stonewall.  Of  that 
pretext  it  seemed  determined  to  make  the  most. 
In  a  few  days  we  learned  that  the  Stonewall  had 
sailed  to  parts  then  unknown,  and  that  Commodore 
Craven  did  not  consider  his  force  sufficient  to  jus 
tify  him  in  pursuing  her.  Her  career,  from  the 
time  she  left  Quiberon  Bay  until  she  finally  passed 
into  the  hands  of  a  foreign  power  is  recited  by  Cap 
tain  Bullock  in  his  recent  work,  with  some  details 
which  had  not  before  transpired  and  with  an  authen 
ticity  which  entitles  them  to  a  place  in  this  record : 

"Captain  Page  wrote  from  Isle  d'Houat,  near  Quiberon,  giv 
ing  a  full  account  of  his  tedious  delays,  and  the  disappointment 
he  felt  at  not  getting  a  full  supply  of  coal,  but  he  did  not  like  to 
wait  for  the  return  of  the  coal-tender  from  St.  Nazaire.  He  ad 
vised  me  that  he  had  taken  charge  of  the  ram  on  behalf  of  the 
Confederate  government,  and  that  M.  Arman's  agent,  who  was 
with  him,  had  complied  with  all  engagements  satisfactorily,  and 
was,  therefore,  entitled  to  receive  the  stipulated  commission  for 
his  services.  The  Danish  crew  was  discharged  and  sent  to  St. 
Nazaire,  and  the  ram  was  chartered  and  commissioned  in  due 


COMMODORE  CRAVEN.  77 

form  as  the  Confederate  ship  Stonewall.  In  the  heavy  weather, 
after  leaving  Quiberon  Bay,  the  Stonewall  made  a  good  deal  of 
water,  and  it  was  thought  that  she  had  sprung  a  leak  somewhere, 
but  owing  to  the  crowded  state  of  the  ship  a  satisfactory  ex 
amination  could  not  be  made.  This  apparent  defect  was  an  ad 
ditional  reason  for  making  a  harbor,  and,  when  the  gale  had 
moderated,  Page  bore  up  and  ran  into  Corunna,  and  the  day 
after  arrival  there  he  took  the  Stonewall  across  the  bay  to  Fer- 
rol,  where  all  facilities  were  politely  tendered  by  the  officers  of 
the  naval  arsenal. 

"The  first  advice  of  the  Stonewall  from  Ferrol  was  without 
date,  but  she  arrived  there  about  February  2,  and  Page  soon 
began  to  lighten  the  ship  by  discharging  some  of  the  heavy 
weights  into  a  good  dry  hulk  which  the  naval  authorities  had 
kindly  put  at  his  disposal,  with  the  purpose  of  finding  the  leak. 

"  It  appears,  however,  from  his  correspondence,  that  the  facili 
ties  granted  him  upon  his  first  application  were  quickly  with 
drawn.  Writing  to  me,  under  date  of  February  7,  he  says: 
1  To-day  there  came  an  officer  to  inform  me  that  in  consequence 
of  the  protest  of  the  American  minister  the  permission  to  repair 
damages  had  been  suspended,*  and  I  must  restore  the  things  in 
the  hulk  of  the  ship.'  Page  added,  however,  that  the  command 
ing  officer  told  him  that  his  case  was  under  consideration  at 
Madrid,  and  that  he  thought  all  would  be  right  in  a  few  days. 
In  the  end,  permission  was  given  to  make  all  necessary  repairs, 
but  mauy  difficulties  were  met  with,  the  authorities  appearing  to 
be  very  desirous  to  hurry  the  ship  off,  yet  not  willing  to  turn 
her  out  of  port  in  an  incomplete  state. 

"On  the  10th  of  February,  Page  wrote  that  the  United  States 
frigate  Niagara,  Captain  Craven,  had  arrived;  and  a  few  days 
after  the  United  States  ship  Sacramento  joined  the  Niagara,  and 
both  vessels  anchored  at  Corunna,  about  nine  miles  distant,  from 
whence  they  could  watch  the  Stonewall.  Their  presence,  Page 
said,  gave  the  Spanish  authorities  much  uneasiness.  It  was  now 
manifest  that  the  StonewaWs  movements  were  known.  The  two 
United  States  ships  at  Corunna  would  either  attack  her  when 
she  attempted  to  leave  Ferrol,  or  they  would  follow  her  across 

*  This  was  four  days  after  my  despatch  to  M.  Drouyn  de 
Lhuys,  cited  above,  p.  61. 


78     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

the  Atlantic.  Besides,  this  advice  of  her  being  at  sea  would 
be  sent  to  New  York,  and  preparations  would  be  made  by  the 
United  States  naval  authorities  to  give  her  a  warm  reception. 
The  leak  was  discovered  to  be  in  consequence  of  defective  con 
struction  in  the  rudder-casing,  and  this,  together  with  other  in 
juries  caused  by  the  rough  handling  the  ship  had  encountered 
during  the  tempestuous  voyage  from  Copenhagen,  satisfied  Page 
that  the  repairs  would  detain  her  several  weeks  at  Ferrol.  He 
took  also  into  consideration  the  latest  news  from  America,  which 
appeared  to  indicate  that  the  South  could  not  resist  much  longer. 
Finally,  he  determined  to  go  to  Paris  for  consultation,  and  he 
directed  Carter  meanwhile  to  push  on  with  the  repairs.  While 
Page  was  absent,  the  Niagara  and  Sacramento  ran  across  the 
bay  from  Corunna  and  anchored  at  Ferrol.  In  a  letter,  report 
ing  the  incident,  Carter  said  : 

'"We  of  course  got  ready  for  accidents,  and  in  lighting  fire- 
sparks  flew  from  the  funnel.  In  a  few  minutes  a  barge  from  the 
navy-yard,  with  an  officer  of  rank,  came  alongside,  asking  if  we 
meant  to  attack  the  Niagara.  I  replied  that  we  had  no  such  in 
tention,  but  proposed  to  defend  ourselves  from  an  attempt  to  re 
peat  the  affair  at  Bahia.*  He  said,  "This  is  not  Brazil.  The 
admiral  requests  that  you  will  let  your  fires  go  out,  and  warns 
you  against  any  attempt  to  break  the  peace."  Two  guard-boats 
were  also  stationed  near  us,  and  remained  there  every  night 
while  the  Niagara  was  in  port.  However,  we  kept  steam  all 
night  and  the  chain  unshackled,  so  as  to  get  the  ram  pointed  in 
case  the  Niagara  moved  our  way.' 

"It  was  decided,  after  consultation  with  the  Confederate 
commissioners,  that  in  spite  of  the  gloomy  prospects  across  the 
Atlantic,  no  possible  effort  that  could  be  made  from  Europe 
should  be  abandoned.  Page,  therefore,  returned  to  Ferrol  with 
the  purpose  to  pursue  his  enterprise,  which,  I  may  just  say  in 
brief  phrase,  was  to  go  to  Bermuda,  get  some  additional  ord 
nance  stores  and  a  few  picked  men  from  the  Florida  waiting 
there  for  him,  and  then  attempt  to  strike  a  blow  at  Port  Royal, 
which  was  then  supposed  to  be  the  base  of  General  Sherman's 
advance  through  South  Carolina. 

*  This  was  in  allusion  to  the  capture  of  the  Florida,  at  Bahia, 
by  the  United  States  ship  Wachusett. 


COMMODORE   CRAVEN.  79 

"  Vexatious  delays  detained  the  Stonewall  at  Ferrol  until  March 
24,  when  Page  got  to  sea.  The  United  States  ships  Niagara  and 
Sacramento  had  manifested  every  purpose  to  follow  and  attack 
the  Stonewall  when  she  left  Ferrol.  The  Niagara  was  a  large, 
powerful  frigate,  mounting  ten  150-pounder  Parrot  rifled-guns; 
and  the  Sacramento  was  a  corvette,  very  heavily  armed  for  her 
class,  the  principal  pieces  being  two  11-inch  and  two  9-inch  guns, 
The  Stonewall  was  protected  by  four-and-three-quarter-inch  ar 
mor,  and  mounted  one  one  quarter  300  pounder  and  two  70- 
pounder  Armstrong  guns;  but  she  was  a  small  ship  and  low  in 
the  water,  and  the  Niagara  battery  could  have  commanded  her 
decks.  Page,  being  quite  sure  that  he  would  be  followed  out 
and  attacked  as  soon  as  he  had  passed  the  line  of  Spanish  juris 
diction,  cleared  for  action  before  getting  under  way,  in  full  sight 
of  the  two  United  States  ships.  The  upper  spars  to  the  lower 
masts  were  struck  and  stowed  on  deck  and  the  boats  were  de 
tached  from  the  davits. 

"  In  this  trim  the  Stonewall  steamed  out  of  Ferrol  on  the  morn 
ing  of  March  24,  1865,  accompanied  by  a  large  Spanish  steam- 
frigate.  At  about  three  miles  from  the  shore  the  frigate  fired  a 
gun,  and  returned  to  Ferrol.  The  Stonewall  then  stood  oH  and 
on  all  the  remainder  of  the  day,  with  her  colors  flying  in  full 
plain  view  of  the  two  United  States  vessels,  which  remained 
at  anchor.  Carter,  in  a  letter,  says,  'We  could  see  the  officers 
standing  in  the  Niagara's  tops  using  spyglasses.' 

"At  dark  the  Stonewall  stood  close  in  to  the  entrance  of  the 
harbor,  and  then,  being  satisfied  that  the  enemy  did  not  intend 
to  come  out  and  fight,  Page  bore  away  and  steamed  down  the 
coast  to  Lisbon,  where  he  arrived  in  due  course,  the  Niagara 
arriving  about  thirty-six  hours  after  him. 

"Commenting  upon  the  failure  of  the  Niagara  and  Sacramento 
to  follow  the  Stonewall  and  attack  her,  Page  wrote  me  from  Lis 
bon  as  follows  :  '  This  will  doubtless  seem  as  inexplicable  to  you 
as  it  is  to  me  and  to  all  of  us.  To  suppose  that  those  two  heav 
ily-armed  men-of-war  were  afraid  of  the  Stonewall  is  to  me  in 
credible,  yet  the  fact  of  their  conduct  was  such  as  I  have  stated 
to  you.  Finding  that  they  declined  coming  out,  there  was  no 
course  for  me  but  to  pursue  my  voyage.' 

"Captain  Thomas  T.  Craven,  who  commanded  the  Niagara, 
was  not  the  officer  who  was  mentioned  in  another  chapter  as  the 


80     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

commander  of  the  United  States  ship  Tuscarora,  and  who  had  a 
correspondence  with  the  governor  of  Gibraltar  in  respect  to  the 
Confederate  ship  Sumter.  Captain  Thomas  T.  Craven  was  an 
elder  brother  of  the  latter-named  officer.  His  conduct  in  mak 
ing  so  much  parade  of  a  purpose  to  stop  the  Stonewall  and  the 
subsequent  failure  to  accept  her  invitation  to  come  out  and  en 
gage  her  was  a  good  deal  criticised  at  the  time.  I  have  no 
means  of  knowing  what  explanation  of  his  conduct  he  made  to 
his  own  government,  and  I  should  be  sorry  to  repeat  any  of  the 
gossip  of  the  period  which  might  suggest  a  slur  upon  his  courage. 
His  reputation  in  the  United  States  navy,  while  I  held  a  commis 
sion  in  that  service,  was  such  as  to  place  him  above  any  suspicion. 
He  was  certainly  an  able  and  efficient  officer,  and  I  mention  the 
incident  with  the  Stonewall  as  an  historical  fact  and  without  the 
slightest  purpose  to  cast  an  imputation  upon  his  memory. 

"At  Lisbon,  Page  was  made  to  feel  that  he  was  the  represen 
tative  of  a  losing  cause.  He  was  permitted  to  get  a  supply  of 
coal,  but  it  was  manifest  that  the  authorities  wished  him  clear 
of  the  port.  He  got  away  as  soon  as  possible,  proceeded  to 
Santa  Cruz,  in  the  island  of  Teneriffe,  replenished  his  fuel  there, 
and  thence  stood  down  into  the  northeast  Trades.  On  April  23 
he  hauled  up  for  Bermuda,  but  encountered  northwest  winds  and 
heavy  head  swell  immediately  after  leaving  the  Trade  winds, 
and  being  in  rather  short  supply  of  coals  he  shaped  his  course 
for  Nassau,  arriving  there  May  6.  From  Nassau  he  proceeded 
to  Havana. 

"At  the  time  of  Page's  arrival  at  Havana  the  war  was  prac 
tically  at  an  end.  In  a  few  days  he  learned  of  General  Lee's 
surrender,  and,  soon  after,  of  the  capture  of  Mr.  Davis.  Mani 
festly  he  could  now  venture  upon  no  offensive  operation.  The 
small  amount  of  funds  he  took  from  Ferrol  was  exhausted. 
Major  Helm,  the  Confederate  agent,  could  do  nothing  for  him 
in  that  way,  The  position  was  perplexing  and  quite  exceptional. 
As  a  last  resource  negotiations  were  opened  with  the  Cuban  au 
thorities  for  the  surrender  of  the  ship  to  them,  if  they  would 
advance  the  money  necessary  to  pay  off  the  crew.  When  it  was 
known,  through  a  resident  merchant,  that  the  captain-general 
was  willing  to  make  the  necessary  advance  and  take  the  ship, 
Carter  was  sent  to  state  the  requirements  and  get  the  money,  and 
his  brief  report  of  the  interview  was  as  follows- 


COMMODORE  CRAVEN.  81 

"  'After  five  minutes'  conversation,  the  captain-general  asked 
what  sum  we  required.  I  said,  "$16,000."  He  said,  "Say 
$100,000."  I  replied  that  my  orders  were  to  ask  for  $16,000. 
He  then  turned  to  an  official  at  a  desk  and  bid  (sic)  him  write, 
continued  asking  questions,  and  when  the  document  was  handed 
to  him  for  perusal  he  looked  at  me  again  and  said,  "Shall  we 
make  it  $50,000?"  But  I  obeyed  orders,  and  $16,000  was  ordered 
to  be  paid.' 

"Upon  the  receipt  of  the  money  Page  paid  off  the  crew  to 
May  19,  1865,  and  delivered  the  Stonewall  into  the  hands  of 
the  Captain-General  of  Cuba.  In  July,  1865,  she  was  delivered 
to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  the  conditions  of 
the  surrender  are  set  out  in  the  annexed  correspondence  between 
the  Spanish  minister  at  Washington  and  Mr.  Seward,  the  United 
States  Secretary  of  State.  She  was  subsequently  sold  by  the 
United  States  to  the  government  of  Japan."  * 

Commodore  Craven's  version  of  the  story  was 
set  forth  in  a  letter  written  from  Lisbon  on  the  4th 
of  March,  1865,  to  the  Navy  Department,  f 

COMMODORE  CRAVEN  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OP  THE  NAVY. 
U.  S.  SHIP  "NIAGARA,"  LISBON,  March  29,  1865. 

"Sir, — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Niagara  and  Sacramento  at  the  port  of  Lisbon,  on  the  even 
ing  of  the  27th  instant,  two  days  from  Corunna. 

"  Since  the  date  of  my  despatch  to  you  of  February  28,  No. 
4,  and  up  to  the  24th  instant,  the  pirate  Stonewall  has  been 
still  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Ferrol,  where,  as  I  anticipated,  she 
succeeded  in  adding  to  the  number  of  her  crew,  in  finishing  her 
equipments,  and  fitting  out  for  sea  in  the  most  thorough  manner. 

"  On  Tuesday  the  21st,  and  on  Thursday  the  23d  instant,  having 
stripped  ship  to  her  lower  masts,  she  left  her  anchorage  and 
stood  out  some  two  miles  from  the  entrance  of  the  harbor  ;  but 
the  state  of  the  sea  was  not  favorable  for  her  purposes,  and  as 

*  Bullock's  "Secret  Service  of  the  Confederate  States,"  vol. 
ii.  p.  96. 

t  I  am  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Secretary  Whitney  for 
a  copy  of  this  letter. 
4* 


83      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

the  Niagara  and  Sacramento  were  steaming  out  of  the  Bay  of 
Corunna  to  meet  her  she  turned  and  ran  back  to  her  old  berth. 
After  showing  ourselves  off  the  mouth  of  Ferrol,  we  returned 
to  our  former  positions  in  the  Bay  of  Corunna. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  24th,  a  dead  calm  prevailing,  with  a 
smooth,  glassy  sea,  she  again  made  her  appearance  outside,  and 
to  the  northward  of  Corunna,  accompanied,  as  on  the  two  for 
mer  occasions,  by  the  Spanish  steam-frigate  Conception.  At  this 
time  the  odds  in  her  favor  were  too  great  and  too  certain,  in 
my  humble  judgment,  to  admit  of  the  slightest  hope  of  being 
able  to  inflict  upon  her  even  the  most  trifling  injury  ;  whereas, 
if  we  had  gone  out,  the  Niagara  would,  most  undoubtedly, 
have  been  easily  and  promptly  destroyed.  So  thoroughly  a  one 
sided  combat  I  did  not  consider  myself  called  upon  to  engage 
in.  As  she  had  left  her  boats  behind  her,  my  impression  was 
that  she  would  return  again  to  Ferrol ;  but  on  Saturday  morn 
ing  she  was  reported  as  being  still  outside  and  lying  under  a 
point  of  land  to  the  northward  of  Ferrol.  In  the  afternoon, 
however,  I  learned  that  she  was  last  seen  early  in  the  morning 
steaming  rapidly  to  the  westward,  when,  immediately  after  pay 
ing  our  bills  on  shore,  for  coals,  etc.,  we  got  under  way  and  made 
the  best  of  our  way  to  this  port,  our  progress  being  considerably 
retarded  by  the  inability  of  the  Sacramento  to  keep  up  with  us. 

"  On  our  arrival  in  the  Tagus,  an  officer  from  the  Portuguese 
guard-ship  came  on  board,  and  informed  me  that  the  Stone 
wall  had  arrived  here  on  Sunday,  the  26th  instant,  thirty  hours 
from  Ferrol ;  that  she  had  just  finished  coaling,  and  in  confor 
mity  with  a  positive  order  given  by  his  government  to  leave  the 
port,  she  was  at  that  moment  in  the  act  of  getting  under  way  ; 
at  the  same  time  this  officer  stated  that  it  was  the  urgent  desire 
of  his  king  that  I  should  anchor  where  I  then  was,  about  half 
a  mile  to  the  eastward  of  the  tower  of  Belam,  and  not  attempt 
to  go  out  of  the  harbor  until  twenty-four  hours  had  elapsed  after 
the  departure  of  the  Stonewall.  Contrary  to  his  promises,  he, 
Captain  Page,  did  not  sail  until  about  11  o'clock  yesterday 
morning,  at  which  time  I  was  at  the  residence  of  our  minister, 
Mr.  Harvey. 

"  By  telegrams  from  the  several  signal  stations  upon  the  coast, 
the  pirate  was  reported  to  be  (when  last  seen)  steering  north ; 
but  had  gradually  drawn  off  from  the  land. 


COMMODORE  CRAVEN.  83 

"  From  the  foregoing  you  will  learn,  sir,  that  after  forty-five 
days  of  constant  watchfulness,  at  times  buoyed  up  with  the  hope 
that  she  might  be  detained  definitely  at  Ferrol,  or  until  rein 
forcements  should  reach  us  from  home,  I  have  been  compelled 
to  lose  sight  of  one  of  the  most  formidable  iron- clad  vessels  now 
afloat. 

"It  may  appear  to  some  that  I  ought  to  have  run  the  hazard 
of  a  battle,  but,  according  to  my  judgment,  I  shall  ever  feel  that 
I  have  done  all  that  could  properly  be  attempted  towards  retard 
ing  the  operations  and  progress  of  that  vessel. 

"All  of  my  suspicions  (which  I  have  freely  expressed  to  our 
Ministers  at  Paris  and  Madrid)  as  to  the  truth  of  her  reported 
leaks  and  unseaworthiness,  and  my  convictions  that  she  would 
make  a  convenience  of  the  harbor  of  Ferrol  to  finish  her  equip 
ments,  etc.,  have  been  most  fully  verified. 

"I  am  now  awaiting  the  arrival  of  two  blockade -runners, 
reported  to  be  on  their  way  here  from  Liverpool,  and,  after 
remaining  here  a  reasonable  time,  shall  run  down  as  far  as  Ma 
deira  and  thence  back  to  the  English  Channel  ma  the  Western 
Islands. 

"While  at  Ferrol,  and  during  their  brief  stay  here,  Captain 
Page  and  his  officers  had  talked  freely  of  their  intention  to  visit 
some  of  our  Northern  cities,  and  particularly  New  York,  where 
they  contemplated  levying  heavy  contributions,  or  destroying 
the  towns.  Very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 
"Trios.  T.  CRAVEN,  Commodore  IT.  S.  Navy. 

"The  Honorable  GIDEOX  WELLES." 

The  surprise  expressed  by  Captains  Page  and 
Bullock  that  the  Stonewall  was  permitted  to  leave 
the  ports  of  Ferrol  and  Lisbon  unmolested  was  not 
creditable  to  their  magnanimity,  and  the  hesitated 
slur  upon  the  courage  of  the  Union  commander 
cannot  be  allowed  to  pass  unchallenged.  I  will 
judge  their  criticisms  by  their  own  standards. 

Captain  Bullock  previously  had  built,  at  the 
Laird's  ship-yard  in  England,  for  the  Confederate 


Si      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

navy,  two  armored  rams,  which  were  then  indispu 
tably  the  most  formidable  vessels  that  had  to  that 
time  ever  been  floated.  "  I  designed  these  ships,"  he 
said,  "  for  something  more  than  for  coast  defence, 
and  I  confidently  believe,  if  ready  for  sea  now, 
they  would  sweep  away  the  entire  blockading  fleet 
of  the  enemy."  In  his  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Confederate  Navy,  dated  July  9, 1863,  he  says : 
"  They  would  thus  be  able  to  overcome  any  wooden 
ships  or  a  fleet  of  them.  I  respectfully  propose, 
then,  that  the  ships,  when  ready  for  sea,  should  be 
ordered  to  proceed  as  quickly  as  possible  to  Wil 
mington,  North  Carolina.  One  could  fall  in  with 
the  land  at  New  Inlet  and  the  other  at  the  main 
c ship-bar'  at  the  mouth  of  Cape  Fear  River;  by 
steaming  quietly  in  at  early  daylight  they  might 
entirely  destroy  the  blockading  vessels.  Not  one 
should  be  left  to  steal  away  and  make  known  the 
fact  that  the  iron-dads  were  on  the  coast;  crews 
might  be  ready  at  Smithville  or  Fort  Caswell,  to 
be  put  on  board  the  ships  as  soon  as  they  had  de 
stroyed  or  dispersed  the  blockaders,  and  in  a  very 
few  hours  afterwards  the  two  vessels  would  be  ready 
to  strike  a  decisive  blow  in  any  direction.  When 
the  departure  of  the  iron-clads  from  Europe  can  be 
definitely  determined,  say  within  two  weeks,  a  spe 
cial  messenger  is  to  be  sent  to  report  specifically  to 
you,  so  that  all  necessary  steps  can  be  taken  and 
arrangements  made  to  carry  out  the  further  views 
of  the  department. 

#        *        *        *        *        *        *        # 
"  The  Atlantic  coast  offers  enticing  and  decisive 


COMMODORE   CRAVEN.  85 

work  in  more  than  one  direction.  Without  a  mo 
ment's  delay,  after  getting  their  crews  on  board  at 
Wilmington,  our  vessels  might  sail  southward,  sweep 
the  blockading  fleet  from  the  sea-front  of  every  har 
bor  from  the  capes  of  Virginia  to  Sabine  Pass,  and, 
cruising  up  and  down  the  coast,  could  prevent  any 
thing  like  a  permanent  systematic  interruption  of 
our  foreign  trade  for  the  future.  Again,  should 
Wilmington  still  be  held  by  the  enemy,  our  iron 
clads  could  ascend  the  Potomac,  and,  after  destroy 
ing  all  transports  and  gunboats  falling  within  their 
reach,  could  render  Washington  itself  untenable." 

The  English  government  seized  this  ram,  and  im 
mediately  placed  at  the  disposal  of  Captain  Ingle- 
field,  in  order  to  prevent  its  escape,  her  majesty's 
ship  Majestic,  sixty  guns,  her  majesty's  ship  Liver 
pool,  sixty  guns,  three  gunboats  with  one  pivot  gun 
each.  It  also  proffered  to  reinforce  them  with  her 
majesty's  ship  Prince  Consort.  Such  was  the  view 
which  the  English  government  entertained  of  the 
effective  powers  of  this  vessel. 

We  have  already  seen  that  Captain  Bullock  him 
self  estimated  this  ram  to  be  more  than  a  match  for 
all  our  Monitors,  and  they  had  already  proven  them 
selves  capable  of  destroying  any  number  of  wooden 
vessels  that  could  be  brought  against  them. 

Now  the  Stonewall,  as  will  be  apparent  to  experts 
from  her  description,  was  a  far  more  formidable  in 
strument  of  destruction  than  the  English  ram ;  she 
was  superior  in  armament,  more  easily  handled  than 
any  vessel  then  afloat,  and  she  had  been  planned 
and  constructed  for  the  specific  purpose  of  destroy- 


86      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

ing,  first  our  great  Atlantic  blockading  fleets,  and 
then  the  Mississippi  squadron.  Her  cruise  from 
Bordeaux  to  Copenhagen  established  her  speed 
against  a  head  wind  and  sea  of  from  ten  to  ten  and  a 
half  knots  an  hour.  And,  finally,  she  was  equipped 
with  twin-screws,  working  separately,  so  as  to  be 
capable  of  a  simultaneous  counter-motion. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Niagara  was  a  wooden 
vessel.  She  had  been  one  of  the  most  powerful 
vessels  in  our  navy,  and  a  fast  sailer — perhaps  the 
fastest  ship  afloat.  She  was,  also,  when  her  engines 
and  boilers  were  in  good  condition,  fast  under  steam 
(for  those  times),  as  she  could  steam  between  ten 
and  eleven  knots.  She  had,  however,  been  more 
than  two  years  in  commission,  and  had  never  been 
without  fires  under  her  boilers  for  a  moment  during 
all  this  time.  She  had,  while  on  the  European  coast, 
been  compelled  to  use  soft  English  coal,  while  her 
boilers  were  intended  for  anthracite.  She  could  not 
at  that  time  steam  more  than  eight  to  eight  and  a 
half  knots  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances. 
Her  battery  had  been  condemned  by  a  board  of 
survey  as  unserviceable.  The  "  Reports  of  Target 
Practice  "  show  that  shot  fired  from  her  guns  would 
"  tumble  "  and  be  deflected  from  the  object  to  which 
they  were  pointed,  "  wabbling  about "  to  the  right 
and  to  the  left  and  from  left  to  right.  Under  steam 
it  required  fifteen  minutes  for  the  Niagara  to  turn 
around.  Running  at  a  speed  of  eight  knots  an 
hour,  she  would  have  to  travel  two  miles  and  more 
to  get  about,  and  she  required  a  space  of  at  least 
three  quarters  ot  a  mile  in  performing  this  evolu- 


THE  "NIAGARA"  AND  THE  "STONEWALL."  87 

tion,  whereas  the  Stonewall  could  turn  on  her  centre 
while  going  either  forward  or  backward,  in  some 
thing  less  than  one  and  a  half  minutes.  The  Sac 
ramento,  the  crippled  consort  of  the  Niagara,  could 
at  her  best  scarcely  make  six  knots  an  hour,  and 
her  boilers  were  burned  out  and  in  such  a  condi 
tion  that  she  would  have  been  of  no  practical  assist 
ance  in  a  fight  with  a  ten-knot  ship,  even  had  they 
been  anywhere  nearly  equal  in  other  respects. 

Fully  a  month  before  the  Stonewall  escaped  from 
Ferrol,  Commodore  Craven  wrote  to  our  charge  at 
Madrid  that  "if  she"  (the  Stonewall)  ais  as  fast  as 
reported,  in  a  smooth  sea  she  would  be  more  than  a 
match  for  three  such  ships  as  the  Niagara.  In  a 
rough  sea  we  might  worry  her  considerably.  Our 
only  chance  for  cutting  short  her  career  rests  upon 
the  possibility  of  detaining  her  here  until  such  time 
as  our  government  sees  fit  to  send  out  reinforce 
ments." 

The  reinforcements,  however,  never  came. 

It  does  not  appear  in  Captain  Bullock's  report, 
though  I  think,  in  fairness,  it  should  have  appeared 
there,  that  the  Niagara  did  go  out  twice  with  in 
tent  to  give  the  Stonewall  battle,  in  spite  of  all  the 
disadvantages  with  which  she  had  to  contend ;  the 
first  time  on  the  21st  of  March  and  the  second  time 
on  the  23d.  On  these  two  occasions  a  breeze  was 
blowing  and  the  sea  was  a  little  rough,  which  some 
what  neutralized  the  disparity  of  force  of  the  an 
tagonists.  On  both  these  occasions  the  Stonewall  ran 
back  to  her  anchorage,  Captain  Page  declining  the 
risk  of  a  battle  in  which  all  the  advantages  were  not 


88      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

on  his  side.  On  the  24th  the  sea  was  as  smooth 
as  a  mirror,  and  Captain  Page  was  as  brave  as  a 
lion,  for  he  had  no  doubt  of  his  ability,  under  such 
conditions,  to  destroy  the  Niagara  before  she  could 
be  turned  around.  Neither  had  Captain  Craven, 
and  therefore  he  had  the  courage  to  save  his  ships, 
and  deprive  the  Confederates  of  the  prestige  of  such 
an  inexpensive  victory  as  the  more  popular  course 
of  action  on  his  part  would  have  given  them.  His 
view  was,  practically,  sustained  by  his  government. 
A  court-martial  was  ordered,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
at  the  commodore's  request,  on  his  return.  The  re 
sults  of  this  trial*  established  the  facts  that  nei 
ther  the  court,  embracing  sevreral  of  the  most  ex 
perienced  officers  of  our  navy,  nor  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  himself,  believed  that  Craven  had  failed 
in  his  duty  in  not  attacking  the  Stonewall,  though 
some  of  them  no  doubt  thought,  as  the  country  gen 
erally  was  disposed  to  think,  that  it  was  an  oppor 
tunity  for  a  commander  to  take  the  risk  of  losing 
his  ship,  of  which  a  man  willing  to  subordinate  the 
interests  of  his  country  to  his  personal  ambition 
would  have  made  a  mistake  in  not  availing  himself. 
That  the  government  at  "Washington  had  lost 
none  of  its  confidence  in  the  commodore  was  evi 
denced  by  his  reappointment  to  an  important  com 
mand  and  his  remaining  in  active  service  until  re 
tired  by  age.f 

*  The  details  of  this  trial  will  be  found  in  Appendix  B. 

t  In  July,  1866,  Commodore  Craven  was  placed  in  command 
of  the  navy  yard  at  Mare  Island,  California.  On  the  10th  Octo 
ber,  1866,  he  was  commissioned  Rear  Admiral.  In  August.  1868, 


THE  "NIAGARA."  89 

With  the  cruise  of  which  we  have  given  the  some 
what  inglorious  termination  the  career  of  the  Niag 
ara  as  a  vessel-of-war  may  be  said  to  have  ended. 
She  lay  at  anchor  in  the  Boston  Navy  Yard  after 
the  war  until  the  6th  of  May,  1885,  when  she  was 
sold  at  auction,  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  her  age, 
for  $12,350.  She  had  cost  originally  $754,000.  The 
purchaser  was  Peter  Butler,  a  junk-dealer,  who,  in 
June  following,  had  her  towed  down  to  Apple  Isl 
and  and  burned  for  the  metal  in  her  structure. 

he  was  placed  in  command  of  the  North  Pacific  Squadron.  In 
March,  1869,  he  was  ordered  to  resume  the  command  of  the  navy 
yard  at  Mare  Island,  where  he  continued  until,  on  attaining  sixty- 
two  years  of  age,  he  was  retired.  He  was  immediately  appointed 
Port  Admiral  at  San  Francisco,  where  he  continued  on  active 
duty  until  the  office  of  Port  Admiral  was  abolished,  in  October, 
1870.  The  commodore  died  at  the  Charlestown  navy  yard,  on 
the  23d  of  August,  1887. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Prosecution  of  Arman  to  Recover  the  Price  of  the  Confederate 
Steamers  Sold  to  Foreign  Powers.— Berry  er's  Argument. — 
Strange  Rules  of  Evidence  in  French  Courts. — Armarfs  Bal 
ance  Sheet. 

As  the  Confederate  navy  had  now  done  us  all 
the  mischief  it  could,  I  determined  to  see  if  it  could 
not  be  turned  to  some  use  in  the  settlement  of  im 
pending  difficulties  with  the  Imperial  government. 
Though  the  termination  of  the  war  and  the  sur 
render  of  the  Stonewall  extinguished  one  source  of 
profound  anxiety,  our  relations  with  the  emperor 
were  anything  but  serene.  His  attempt  to  take 
advantage  of  our  domestic  troubles  to  destroy  the 
autonomy  of  a  sister  republic  and  to  impose  a 
dynastic  government  on  the  people  of  Mexico  had 
produced  in  the  United  States  a  feeling  of  profound 
discontent.  But  wisely  concluding  that  one  war  at 
a  time  was  enough,  Mr.  Seward  contented  himself 
till  the  close  of  the  war  with  quietly  declining  to 
recognize  the  military  organization  in  Mexico,  of 
which  the  Prince  Maximilian  of  Austria  was  the 
ostensible  head.  This  attitude  was  fatal  to  the 
consolidation  of  the  new  empire. 

No  sooner  had  peace  been  established  within  our 
borders  than  I  received  instructions  to  give  more 
formal  expression  to  the  discontent  of  our  gov- 


MR.  SEWARD   AND  MEXICO.  91 

eminent  with  the  Franco- Austrian  intervention  in 
Mexican  affairs.  Determined  as  we  were  that  the 
French  army  should  leave  Mexico  to  decide  for  her 
self  whether  Maximilian's  government  or  that  of 
Juarez  suited  her  best,  but  anxious  to  avoid  any 
proceeding  that  would  have  a  tendency  to  wound 
the  pride  of  the  French  people  and  rally  their 
patriotism  to  the  support  of  the  emperor,  we  limited 
our  resistance  to  measures  tending  to  render  the 
emperor's  occupation  of  Mexico  as  expensive  to, 
and  as  unpopular  with,  his  subjects  as  possible. 
Looked  at  from  that  point  of  view,  I  did  not  feel 
that  we  could  afford  to  allow  the  emperor's  treach 
erous  connivance  with  the  Confederate  agents  to 
sleep.  I  thought  that  so  long  as  he  annoyed  us 
with  his  army  in  Mexico  we  should  neglect  no  op 
portunity  of  annoying  him  at  home,  and  for  that 
reason  more  than  any  other,  I  asked  and  obtained 
from  Mr.  Seward  permission  to  institute  proceed 
ings  in  the  French  courts  for  the  recovery  of  the 
money  which  Arman  and  his  associates  received 
for  the  ships  built  by  him  and  his  associates  for  ac 
count  of  the  Confederates,  and  also  for  damages 
sustained  by  the  United  States  in  consequence  of 
their  construction. 

Arman  had  been  twice  paid  for  his  ships,  first  by 
the  Confederates  as  they  progressed,  and  a  second 
time,  for  all  but  the  Stonewall,  by  their  respective 
purchasers.  We  claimed  that  the  second  price  be 
longed  to  us. 

The  publicity  which  would  necessarily  be  given 
to  the  duplicity  of  the  Imperial  government  by  a 


92     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

judicial  investigation  could  hardly  fail  to  strengthen 
the  hands  of  our  friends  in  the  Legislative  Assembly 
and  among  the  people. 

A  suit  was  accordingly  instituted  in  the  upper 
chamber  of  the  civil  tribunal  of  the  Seine,  on  the 
6th  of  July,  1866.  The  United  States  were  plain 
tiffs  of  record,  and  Messrs.  Arman,  Erlanger,  Voruz, 
Dubigeon,  Jollet  &  Babin,  Mazeline,  and  the  Societe 
des  Chantiers  et  Ateliers  de  V Ocean  were  defendants. 

After  several  hearings  during  the  months  of  June 
and  July,  1868,  Henry  Moreau  and  M.  Berry er  ap 
pearing  for  the  United  States,  and  MM.  Lacan  and 
Andrei  for  Arman  and  associates,  the  case  was  final 
ly  submitted.*  Neither  the  eloquence  of  our  coun- 

*  It  is  worthy  of  record  here  that  this  was  the  last  occasion  in 
which  the  voice  of  the  great  Berryer  was  ever  heard  at  the  bar. 
For  this  reason,  if  for  no  other,  it  may  be  pleasing  to  those  who 
shared  the  hopes  and  fears  of  the  Unionists  in  the  war  of  1861-5 
to  read  an  extract  from  the  introductory  portion  of  M.  Berryer's 
last  professional  address,  which  exhibits  the  sentiments  towards 
the  United  States  which  animated  him  in  the  closing  years  of 
his  life: 

"The  Confederate  States  have  been  warmly  commended  for 
their  enterprise,  and  for  the  manner  in  which  they  have  sus 
tained  this  long  and  bloody  war.  Of  this  as  a  matter  of  opinion 
I  have  nothing  to  say.  When  a  foreign  nation  finds  itself  in 
face  of  a  people  rent  by  intestine  dissensions  and  civil  war  it 
may  think  what  it  pleases  of  the  causes,  motives,  and  reasons 
which  have  animated  the  insurgent  party.  The  freedom  of 
opinion  is  entire;  that  I  perfectly  comprehend. 

"  But  if  opinions  are  free  in  such  a  situation,  permit  me  to  say 
that  actions  are  not.  Duties  are  imposed  on  individuals,  not  only 
by  the  law  of  nations  which  prevails  among  all  the  civilized 
nations  of  the  earth,  but  also  by  the  law  of  the  country  to  which 
the  individuals  belong,  and  the  question  to  be  settled  by  these 


BERRYER'S  LAST  APPEARANCE.  93 

sel  nor  the  strength  of  our  case  were  sufficient  to 
cope  with  the  adverse  influences  operating  upon 
the  court,  and  our  claim  was  rejected,  on  the  grounds 


proceedings  is,  what  were  the  duties  and  obligations  which  the 
French  government  imposed  on  French  citizens  in  relation  to 
the  conflict  which  disturbed  the  United  States?  Let  it  be  said, 
if  you  please,  that  the  Southern  States  had  a  noble  cause,  that 
they  even  maintained  it  in  the  name  of  liberty;  that  they  were 
justified  in  breaking  the  federal  bond  and  separating  themselves 
from  the  nation  of  which  they  formed  a  part ;  that  they  have 
wished  to  reconquer  their  independence,  one  of  the  rights  of 
liberty.  Gentlemen,  I  have  a  great  respect  for  the  rights  of 
liberty  and  its  principles.  I  cherish  and  will  always  defend 
them  when  they  represent  the  moral  force  of  a  people,  uniting 
all  its  members  by  the  respect  which  each  has  for  the  rights 
which  belong  to  all. 

"The  liberty  which  unites,  which  makes  nations  strong,  that 
is  the  liberty  which  I  wish;  but  I  repel  all  theories  which  tend 
to  disorder  in  society  or  in  families.  The  war  of  the  Confeder 
ates  has  been  compared  to  the  American  war  of  Independence. 

"What!  will  you  compare  people  who  break  their  political 
bonds,  their  social  bonds,  their  federal  bonds,  with  those  colonies 
which  endured  all  the  vexations  of  foreign  domination,  which 
were  subjected  to  the  fiscal  laws  of  England  without  any  part  in 
her  government,  and  who,  seconded  by  us,  bravely  conquered 
their  enfranchisement. 

"Ah,  gentlemen,  in  this  contest  between  the  United  States  and 
the  Confederate  States  I  leave  to  others  the  eulogy  of  an  insur 
rection  which  had  no  other  purpose  but  one  which  no  one  here 
would  dare  to  sustain  or  avow,  the  perpetuation  of  slavery. 
This  was  the  sole  object  of  the  rash  leaders  who  put  themselves 
at  the  head  of  the  insurrection,  of  which  they  left  no  doubt  by 
proclaiming  in  the  first  article  of  their  constitution  that  slavery 
should  forever  be  maintained  in  the  Confederate  States. 

"  Such  was  the  end  which  they  proposed  to  themselves  and 
which  they  are  come  here  to  defend  in  the  name  of  freedom,  in 
the  name  of  liberal  principles,  against  what?  Against  the  effort 


94     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

that  the  declaration  of  neutrality  of  10th  of  June, 
1851,  was  an  act  of  sovereignty  which  imposed 
duties  upon  French  subjects,  but  created  no  rights 
by  which  the  belligerents  could  profit ;  that  the 
price  of  those  ships  was  not  proven  to  have  been 
paid  out  of  American  funds,  and,  finally,  that  the 
correspondence  upon  which  the  plaintiffs  relied  to 
prove  their  cause  must  necessarily  have  been  orig 
inally  procured  by  improper  means  from  their  le 
gitimate  owner,  and  therefore  could  not  serve  as 
the  basis  of  any  judicial  conclusions. 

I  forbear  to  discuss  the  judicial  merits  of  this 
decision,  for  the  reason  that  before  it  was  deliv- 

made,  nobly  made,  against  this  great  and  beautiful  federation, 
this  federation  which  in  France  we  ought  to  respect  and  for 
which  we  ought  to  pray  that  it  may  be  protected  against  insur 
rection  tending  to  dissolve  it;  this  federation,  our  work,  to  the 
birth  of  which  France  contributed  so  gloriously  in  the  last  years 
of  her  ancient  monarchy;  this  federation  which  has  constituted 
a  great  people,  magnificent  by  the  liberal  tone  of  its  institutions, 
by  the  principles  of  justice  which  rule  so  austerely  its  society, 
and  by  everything  else  which  make  of  it  an  immense  nation — 
this  nation  grows  every  day,  gathering  into  its  embrace  all  who 
suffer  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  and  who,  desiring  to  be  pros 
perous,  respectable,  and  happy,  come  to  be  made  citizens  of  the 
United  States. 

"  It  is  this  work  of  the  federation  that  they  wish  to  shake,  and 
against  which  they  are  trying  to  arouse  the  prejudices  of  France 
at  the  very  time  that  we  are  bound  by  so  many  liens— by  the 
memories  of  its  origin,  by  all  the  relations  of  social  and  indus 
trial  interests — to  this  nation  which  has  become  such  a  power  in 
the  world  and  which,  perhaps,  will  some  day  be  the  necessary 
and  most  available  ally  of  France.  Behold  the  sentiments,  if  this 
is  a  question  of  sentiments,  which  ought  to  be  uppermost  in  our 
hearts  when  we  contemplate  the  struggle  in  which  the  states 
of  the  American  Union  engaged  in  1861." 


CONFEDERATE  ^ETHICS.  95 

ered  the  result  of  the  litigation  had  lost  its  origi 
nal  and  chief  importance.  The  emperor  had  been 
compelled,  under  peculiarly  humiliating  circum 
stances,  to  withdraw  his  troops  from  Mexico ;  Max 
imilian  had  been  shot,  and  the  French  people  had 
amply  expiated  the  criminal  folly  of  their  sovereign 
in  conspiring  to  cripple  the  United  States  with  the 
view  of  maintaining  a  Franco  -  Austrian  dynasty 
upon  the  ruins  of  a  sister  republic. 

There  was  one  feature  of  the  decision,  however, 
upon  which  self-respect  constrains  me  to  submit  a 
few  observations.  I  refer  to  the  exclusion  of  a 
portion  of  the  plaintiff's  testimony  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  procured  by  unjustifiable  means.  This 
was  a  wanton  perversion  of  justice.  The  plaintiff's 
agents  in  Paris  were  never  asked  how  they  became 
possessed  of  the  documents ;  none  of  the  parties  to 
the  Confederate's  contracts,  if  put  upon  the  stand 
— neither  Bullock,  nor  Arman,  nor  Erlanger,  nor 
Yoruz,  nor  Mazeline,  nor  Dubigeon  fils — could  have 
denied  any  of  the  plaintiff's  allegations,  but  must 
have  admitted  all ;  the  ministry  were  cognizant  of 
the  whole  transaction,  both  from  the  lips  of  Arman 
and  the  emperor.  The  correspondence  which  I 
furnished  Mr.  Dayton  was  of  no  more  importance, 
when  this  trial  took  place,  to  prove  the  character 
and  purpose  of  those  ships,  than  the  identical  apples 
which  Newton  saw  fall  are  necessary  to  prove  the 
law  of  gravitation.  In  fact  there  were  no  wit 
nesses  to  be  found  who  could  throw  a  doubt  upon 
the  plaintiff's  view  of  them. 

Captain  Bullock  and  Mr.  Slidell  professed  to  be 


96      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

very  much  shocked  that  Mr.  Dayton  presented 
these  documents.  "  The  agents  and  emissaries  of 
the  "Washington  government,"  wrote  Mr.  Slidell, 
"  not  satisfied  with  the  establishment  of  a  vast  or 
ganized  system  of  espionage  and  the  subornation 
of  perjured  informers,  now  unblushingly  have  re 
course  to  theft  and  forgery  to  attain  their  ends." 

The  defeat  of  a  scheme  from  which  such  impor 
tant  results  were  fairly  to  be  expected,  by  its  ex 
posure,  was  enough  to  try  the  patience  and  temper 
of  more  disciplined  natures  than  either  SlidelTs  or 
Bullock's.  "  Lambs  could  not  forgive,  nor  worms 
forget  it."  But  how  absurd  in  an  official  communi 
cation  to  characterize  a  transaction  of  which,  so  far 
as  the  agents  of  the  Washington  government  were 
concerned,  they  knew  absolutely  nothing  wrong,  as 
"  theft  and  forgery."  Bullock  and  Slidell  would 
have  been  ashamed  to  admit  to  each  other,  or  to 
anybody  else,  that  they  would  have  hesitated  a 
moment  to  secure,  upon  any  condition,  the  means 
of  doing  one  half  the  mischief  to  the  Federals 
which  the  exposure  of  their  plot  deprived  them 
of  the  means  of  inflicting.  What  did  the  agents 
do  ?  A  man  comes  to  my  office,  tells  me  the  Con 
federates  are  building  several  vessels-of-war — some 
of  them  more  formidable  than  any  in  the  English 
or  American  navy — in  the  ports  of  Bordeaux  and 
Nantes,  in  violation  not  only  of  the  neutral  obli 
gations  of  the  Imperial  government,  but  in  viola 
tion  of  the  laws  and  police  regulations  of  the  em 
pire,  to  prey  upon  the  commerce  and  ravage  the 
seaports  of  a  friendly  nation  of  which  I  was  an 


THE  INCULPATING  PAPERS.  97 

officer.  He  exhibits  unmistakable  evidence  of  the 
truth  of  his  story.  He  then  adds,  if  you  will  pay 
me  a  certain  sum  of  money,  you  can  communicate 
this  information  to  whom  it  may  concern.  Having 
that  information  without  money  and  without  price, 
I  pay  for  the  privilege  of  communicating  it  to  the 
prime-minister  of  France,  whom  it  most  concerns. 
I  bought  this  privilege  for  a  price,  and  then  freely, 
and  without  charge,  gave  the  information,  that  the 
laws  of  France  were  being  violated  and  its  rela 
tions  with  a  friendly  power  compromised,  to  the 
French  government.  That  was  all  there  was  of  it. 
How  Mr.  X  became  possessed  of  the  documents  I 
did  not  know,  nor  do  I  know  now,  except  what  is 
alleged  in  SlidelFs  correspondence.*  Nor  would 

*  As  the  French  judges,  in  their  opinions,  treated  as  proven 
the  fact  that  the  documents  put  in  evidence  by  the  United  States 
had  been  procured  by  some  illicit  means,  I  applied  through  our 
obliging  minister  in  Paris,  in  June  last,  and  since  the  preceding 
pages  were  written,  for  a  copy  of  the  record,  taking  it  for  granted 
that  there  must  have  been  some  testimony  before  the  court  to 
justify,  judicially  at  least,  the  language  with  which  they  had 
allowed  themselves  to  characterize  the  testimony  submitted  by 
the  plaintiffs.  To  my  infinite  surprise,  I  learned  from  the  reply 
of  the  French  Minister  of  Justice  that  no  testimony  had  ever 
been  taken  at  all  in  the  case ;  that  the  court  had  accepted  the 
statements  of  Arman's  counsel  as  testimony,  and  upon  them, 
in  part  at  least,  rested  their  decision. 

Another  extraordinary  fact  is  disclosed  by  this  correspond 
ence,  a  copy  of  which  follows-  and  that  is  that  Petermann,  the 
alleged  unfaithful  clerk  of  M.  Voruz,  was  never  held  for  trial, 
nor  did  M.  Voruz  ever  enter  any  complaint  against  him.  Why 
this  forbearance  was  extended  to  Petermann  by  his  employer  is 
a  question  to  which  a  correct  reply  could  hardly  fail  to  be  edi 
fying.  Lacking  such  a  reply,  it  may  be  profitable  to  meditate 
5 


98      FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

it  have  made  any  difference  if  I  had  known.  Sli- 
dell  &  Co.  were  engaged  in  a  criminal  act.  If  they 
were  betrayed  by  their  confederates,  that  was  their 

on  the  suggestion  thrown  out  by  Mr.  X  when  asked  how  those 
documents  came  into  his  possession,  that  everybody  was  not  as 
anxious  as  Mr.  Bullock  was  that  those  vessels  should  be  finished 
and  equipped  to  be  used  against  the  United  States. 

THE  FRENCH  MINISTER  OP  JUSTICE  TO  THE  AMERICAN  MINISTER. 
(Translation.) 

"PARIS,  June  27,  1887. 

"Sir, — By  your  favor  of  the  23d  May  last,  you  have  been 
pleased  to  advise  me  that  Mr.  John  Bigelow,  former  Minister 
of  the  United  States,  desired,  for  purposes  purely  historical, 
to  have  a  copy  of  the  record  of  proceedings  which  had  been  in 
stituted  before  the  Tribunal  of  Nantes  against  a  Mr.  Petermann, 
for  subtracting  from  M.  Voruz,  a  builder,  various  papers  relating 
to  an  order  for  ships-of-war  for  the  account  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America. 

"In  reply  to  this  communication,  I  have  the  honor  to  send 
you,  under  this  cover,  a  note  emanating  from  the  Minister  of 
Justice,  from  which  it  appears,  as  you  will  see,  that  no  proceed 
ings  have  been  instituted  at  Nantes,  nor  any  inquest  opened  by 
ibe  parquet  of  this  city  against  the  said  Petermann. 

"Accept  assurances  of  the  high  consideration  with  which  I 
have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

"  Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

"  FLOURENS. 

"MR.  MACLAXE,  United  States  Minister  at  Paris." 
"NOTE. 

"From  researches  made  by  M.  the  Procureur-  General  of 
Rennes,  it  appears  that  no  proceedings  have  been  instituted, 
and  that  no  inquest  has  been  opened  at  Nantes  against  M.  Pe 
termann  on  the  occasion  of  his  subtraction  from  M.  Voruz, 
builder,  of  various  papers  relating  to  an  order  of  ships  of- war 
for  account  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America. 

"During  the  War  of  Secession  M.  Voruz  had  received  from 


THE   INCULPATING  PAPERS.  99 

affair,  not  mine.  Had  I  failed  to  secure  these  let 
ters  because  I  found  upon  inquiry  that  Mr.  X  had 
not  been  to  the  confessional  since  they  came  into  his 
possession,  I  should  never  have  dared  to  return  to 
the  United  States.  There  may  possibly  be  a  higher 
plane  of  duty  than  that  which  we  occupied,  but  no 
one  who  proposes  to  occupy  that  plane  has  any 
right  to  accept  office  under  any  civil  government. 
Dr.  Franklin  was  called  a  thief,  by  the  King's  Solic 
itor-General  in  the  House  of  Lords,  for  receiving 
and  sending  home  the  Hutchinson  and  Oliver  let 
ters,  but  no  one  questioned  the  propriety  of  his 
conduct  save  those  whose  treacherous  schemes  he 

the  States  of  the jSouth  an  order  for  two  ships-of-war.  Peter- 
mann,  who  was  emplo}red  by  this  constructor,  allowed  himself  to 
be  corrupted,  and  sold  the  papers  "which  passed  between  the 
States  of  the  South  and  Mr.  Voruz,  for  money. 

"The  Phare  et  Loire  published  these  contracts.  M.  de  Chas- 
seloup-Loubat,  at  that  time  Minister  of  Marine,  notified  M.  Voruz 
that  the  delivery  of  the  ships  might  lead  to  trouble,  as  a  cruiser 
was  then  guarding  the  entrance  of  the  port  of  St.  Nazaire. 

"  The  Confederate  States  of  the  South  then  urged  M.  Voruz 
to  sell  the  ships,  even  at  a  loss,  to  recover  a  portion  of  their 
advances. 

"  M.  Voruz  was  so  fortunate  as  to  dispose  of  them  to  Peru,  and 
they  were  delivered  without  difficulty  to  the  government  of  Peru. 

"  Petermann  was  not  prosecuted.  M.  Voruz,  in  fact,  lias  never 
made  any  complaint  against  him." 

The  originals  of  these  documents  will  be  found  in  Appen 
dix  C. 

Curiously  enough,  according  to  our  American  notions  of  ju 
dicial  as  well  as  of  official  responsibility,  the  Minister  of  Justice 
of  the  French  republic  assumes  as  proven,  and  states  as  offi 
cially  established  facts,  what  in  the  same  document  he  shows 
was  never  proven  at  all. 


100     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

thwarted.  Defeated  lawyers  have  a  prescriptive 
right  to  swear  at  the  court,  but  men  whose  judg 
ments  are  not  warped  by  disappointment  reason 
in  those  cases  like  Edgar,  in  "King  Lear,"  over 
the  papers  he  found  in  the  pockets  of  Oswald  : 

"  Let's  see  his  pockets  ;  these  letters,  that  he  speaks  of 
May  be  my  friends. — He's  dead  ;  I  am  only  sorry 
He  had  no  other  deathsman. — Let  us  see : 
Leave,  gentle  wax  ;  and,  manners,  blame  us  not : 
To  know  our  enemies'  minds,  we'd  rip  their  hearts  ; 
Their  papers,  is  more  lawful." 

Captain  Bullock  reproaches  the  French  Minis 
ter  of  Foreign  Affairs  for  paying  any  attention 
to  the  documents  submitted  to  him  by  Mr.  Day 
ton,  and  says  he  should  have  said  to  him,  "  They 
could  only  have  come  into  your  possession  by 
bribery  or  treachery.  I  cannot,  therefore,  receive 
them  in  evidence,  and  must  insist  that  you  pro 
duce  the  originals  and  explain  how  you  became 
possessed  of  them." 

It  never  seems  to  have  occurred  to  Captain  Bul 
lock  that  if  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  had  thus  chal 
lenged  Mr.  Dayton  to  produce  the  originals,  the 
originals,  which  were  in  my  possession,  would  have 
been  produced ;  that  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  may  have 
refrained  for  that  very  reason  from  offering  such 
a  challenge  to  Mr.  Dayton,  not  wishing  to  increase 
the  difficulty  of  adhering  to  the  indecisive  policy 
which  was  traced  out  for  him  by  his  master. 

Besides,  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  knew  that  the  doc 
uments  were  genuine.  What  was  it  to  him  how 
they  were  obtained.  The  question  between  his 


DEATH  OF  AEMAN.  101 

government  and  ours  was  simply  this,  had  the  neu 
trality  laws  and  engagements  of  France  been  vio 
lated,  as  charged  by  Mr.  Dayton  ?  Knowing  they 
had  been,  how  absurd  for  him  to  ask  for  additional 
proof,  or  to  pretend  to  Mr.  Dayton  that  he  could 
not  proceed  against  the  accused  parties  because  he 
did  not  believe  they  were  guilty.  Besides,  the  idea 
of  the  ministers  of  the  third  empire  having  any 
scruple  about  using  a  document  or  anything  else 
till  they  knew  where  and  how  it  was  obtained  is 
inexpressibly  ludicrous.  That  the  same  objections 
to  these  documents  as  evidence  was  subsequently 
made  with  success  in  the  French  courts  would  not 
make  it  sound  any  the  less  preposterous  in  the 
mouth  of  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys. 

We  took  an  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  Tri 
bunal  of  the  Seine,  more  as  a  protest  against  its 
absurdity  than  from  any  interest  in  the  final  result. 
This  appeal  was  set  down  for  hearing  on  the  llth 
of  July,  1870.  M.  Berryer  had  died  on  the  29th  of 
November,  1868,  and  M.  Jules  Favre  was  retained 
in  his  place.  Before  the  second  hearing  the  .em 
peror  was  a  prisoner  at  Coburg,  Jules  Favre  was 
called  to  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  our 
case  was  argued  by  M.  Moreau,  M.  Lacan  again 
appearing  for  Arman  and  his  associates.  The  de 
cision  of  the  Court  below  was  sustained. 

Arman  died  shortly  after  these  events,  bankrupt 
and  broken-hearted.  "  It  is  due  to  his  memory," 
says  Mr.  Bullock,  "  that  I  should  say  that  he  offered 
to  settle  his  accounts  with  me  after  the  close  of  the 
war ;  but,  when  he  did  so,  we  did  not  agree  as  to 


102     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

the  balance  due,  and  I  was  not  willing  to  assume  any 
further  responsibility  with  reference  to  Confederate 
affairs.  Subsequently,  he  proposed  to  pay  over  to 
the  United  States,  by  way  of  compromise,  a  consid 
erable  amount,  if  I  would  certify  the  statement  of 
accounts  and  the  United  States  would  accept  a  com 
promise  and  refrain  from  taking  legal  proceedings 
against  him.  I  declined  to  give  the  certificate  be 
cause  the  statement  did  not  -exhibit  the  balance 
which  I  should  have  claimed  on  behalf  of  my  prin 
cipals,  and  I  had  no  authority  to  make  an  arrange 
ment  or  compromise  for  their  successors." 

Mr.  Bullock  adds,  in  a  note,  that  the  disagreement 
between  M.  Arman  and  himself  was  not  in  respect 
to  the  amounts  received  and  disbursed  by  him,  but 
in  respect  to  the  large  commissions  charged  by  Ar 
man  for  effecting  the  forced  sale  of  the  ships  by 
order  of  the  government. 

Mr.  Bullock  does  not  give  the  account  submitted 
to  him  and  which  he  refused  to  certify.  This  omis 
sion  I  think  I  am  in  a  condition  to  supply.  At  all 
events,  the  following  balance-sheet  from  Annan's 
office  and  bearing  date  the  1st  of  July,  1866,  can 
hardly  be  any  other  than  the  one  referred  to  by 
Mr.  Bullock.  It  presents  a  curiously  interesting 
and  entirely  authentic  summary  of  the  fiscal  trans 
actions  of  the  Confederate  agents  with  M.  Arman. 


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PAET  IL 


PART   SBCOND. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

SlideWs  First  Interview  with  the  Emperor. — Thouvenel  Talks 
"Banalties." — Slidell  Submits  Benjamin's  Proposal  to  Hire  the 
Emperor's  Fleet  to  Break  the  Blockade. — Proposes  to  Make 
Common  Cause  with  the  French  in  Mexico. 

FKOM  a  reluctance  to  interrupt  the  preceding 
narrative,  I  have  passed  without  remark  several 
statements  and  allegations  in  the  correspondence 
of  the  Confederate  agents  which  invited  remark, 
and  which  I  cannot  be  expected  to  dismiss  without 
some  further  notice. 

In  the  first  place,  I  am  unwilling  to  take  final 
leave  of  Captain  Bullock  without  correcting  a  very 
serious  error  into  which  he  was  betrayed,  partly,  no 
doubt,  by  his  hopes,  but  chiefly  by  the  highly  col 
ored  bulletins  of  Slidell  and  Benjamin.  He  as 
sumed  in  all  his  operations  in  France,  and  has  as 
sumed  in  his  commentaries,  that  the  emperor  was 
pledged  to  allow  Arman's  ships  to  be  built  for  and 
delivered  to  the  Confederates,  and  was  guilty  of  a 
breach  of  faith  in  refusing  them  exit  under  the 
Confederate  flag.  That  this  was  Captain  Bullock's 
firm  conviction,  I  have  no  doubt ;  and  that  this 
conviction  was  authorized  by  SlidelPs  reports,  I 
have  no  doubt.  I  have  as  little  doubt  that  in  this 


108     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

conviction,  so  far  as  the  emperor  was  concerned,  he 
was  entirely  mistaken.  The  emperor  dealt  falsely 
with  the  United  States  from  the  outset,  but  there 
is  no  evidence  that  he  did  not  faithfully  keep  all  his 
engagements  with  the  Confederates.  He  promised 
that  the  ships  might  be  built  and  allowed  to  sail 
if  their  Teal  destination  was  concealed ;  if  they 
could  be  got  out  of  French  waters  without  com 
promising  his  neutrality.  This  was  all  he  ever 
promised  Slidell  or  any  one  else.  That  the  ships 
should  be  built ;  that  the  secret  should  be  kept ;  and 
that  the  vessels  should  get  out  and  decide  the  trans 
atlantic  struggle  in  favor  of  the  Confederates,  he, 
no  doubt,  ardently  desired.  If  he  was  guilty  of 
treachery  and  duplicity,  it  was  towards  the  United 
States,  not  towards  the  Confederates.  But  the 
secret  of  the  destination  of  the  ships  was  not  kept. 
When  the  documentary  evidence  that  they  were 
destined  for  the  Confederate  States  was  placed  in 
the  hands  of  his  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  he  was 
no  longer  bound  to  let  them  go.  It  was  through 
no  fault  of  his  that  the  secret  got  out,  but  being  out, 
to  let  the  vessels  sail  would  have  been  not  only  a 
violation  of  his  neutral  obligations,  but,  practically, 
a  declaration  of  war  upon  the  United  States,  as 
much  as  if  he  had  sent  one  of  his  own  frigates  to 
prey  upon  our  commerce,  "to  break  our  blockade, 
and  to  ravage  our  coast,  the  very  exigency  which 
he  meant  to  guard  against  by  stipulating  that  the 
destination  of  the  Arman  ships  should  not  transpire 
until  they  were  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  France 
and  ready  to  become  her  efficient  allies  in  the  war 


BULLOCK  MISLED.  109 

that  must  have  inevitably  ensued  between  her  and 
the  United  States.  As  the  error  of  Captain  Bul 
lock  has  more  or  less  infected  popular  opinion  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  I  will  present  what 
Captain  Bullock  will  himself  accept  as  incontesta 
ble  evidence  that  the  emperor  never  gave  any  such 
unconditional  promise  as  that  upon  which  these 
charges  of  duplicity  and  treachery  are  founded. 
That  many  people  about  the  emperor,  the  De 
Mornys  and  the  Fleurys  and  other  parasites  of  less 
degree,  gave  both  Slidell  and  Mason  such  uncondi 
tional  assurances  is  very  likely,  but  it  was  their 
own  fault  if  the  diplomatists  allowed  themselves  to 
be  deceived  by  a  class  of  men  who  were  notorious 
speculators  upon  the  credulity  and  ignorance  of  the 
public,  and  whom  Slidell,  at  least,  was  not  the  man 
to  engage  with,  unless  he  was  reasonably  sure  that 
he  had  more  and  better  cards  in  his  sleeve  than 
they  had. 

There  were  but  two  sources  from  which  Slidell 
could  have  received  the  assurances  upon  which 
Captain  Bullock's  charges  of  duplicity  and  treach 
ery  on  the  part  of  the  Imperial  government  could 
be  sustained.  One  was  the  emperor  and  the  other 
was  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  his  Minister  of  Foreign  Af 
fairs.  These  were  the  only  two  men  in  the  empire 
competent  to  bind  the  Imperial  government  to  any 
engagement  with  a  foreign  power.  I  will  now 
show  from  Mr.  Slidell's  own  testimony  that  he  never 
received  any  assurances  from  either.  Beginning 
with  the  emperor,  Mr.  Slidell  never  met  the  emperor 
on  official  business  but  three  times.  He  gave  full 


110     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

reports  of  these  interviews  to  Mr.  Benjamin.  Of 
these  reports  I  am  so  fortunate  as  to  have  copies, 
and,  as  they  have  never  been  in  print,  I  cannot  per 
form  a  more  acceptable  service  to  the  reader  than 
to  give  them  entire,  not  only  to  show  how  entirely 
contingent  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  war  was  the 
emperor's  promise,  but  to  what  an  extent  Mr.  Slidell 
allowed  his  judgments  and  undertakings  to  be  af 
fected  by  his  hopes  and  dreams.  His  first  inter 
view  with  the  emperor  was  procured  through  the 
intervention  of  the  Count  de  Persigny,  and  a  few 
days  after  the  receipt  in  France  of  the  first  intel 
ligence  of  the  battles  of  the  26th  and  27th  of  June 
and  the  strategical  movements  of  McClellan  across 
the  Chickahominy  and  towards  James  River.  The 
interview  occurred  while  the  emperor  was  at  Yichy 
in  the  summer  of  1862,  and  was  thus  reported  by 
Slidell.  The  italics  are  mine. 

I  shall  preface  their  interview  with  the  letter 
from  Slidell  to  Benjamin,  in  which  he  states  the 
circumstances  under  which  the  interview  was  ac 
corded,  as  well  as  of  a  very  unsatisfactory  interview 
he  had  held  with  M.  Thouvenel,  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  on  the  subject  of  recognition.  It 
will  be  seen  in  this  and  in  Slidell's  subsequent 
letters  to  Benjamin  that  he  really  at  no  time  had 
any  substantial  footing  in  the  French  Foreign  Of 
fice. 

SLIDELL  TO  BENJAMIN. 

"PARIS,  October  20, 1862. 
"Hon.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State,  Kichmond:— 

"  jgfr> — My  last  was  of  October  9.  I  had  hoped  before  this  to 
have  had  it  in  my  power  to  communicate  something  definite  as 


SLIDELL  TO  BENJAMIN.  Ill 

to  the  emperor's  intentions  respecting  our  affairs,  but  new  com 
plications  in  the  Italian  question  have  entirely  absorbed  the  at 
tention  of  the  government.  Mr.  Thouvenel  has  resigned  and 
has  been  succeeded  by  Mr.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys.  For  two  or  three 
days  a  general  disruption  of  the  cabinet  was  imminent.  Messrs. 
de  Persigny  and  Fould  tendered  their  resignation,  which,  if  ac 
cepted,  would  have  been  followed  by  two  or  three  others.  They 
were,  however,  induced  to  withdraw  them  by  the  earnest  appeal 
of  the  emperor,  and  at  present  it  seems  probable  that  no  further 
change  will  take  place  in  the  ministry. 

"  Since  my  last,  I  have  had  reason  to  l>o  less  hopeful  of  early 
joint  recognition  by  France  and  England.  Some  days  past  I 
learned  from  an  English  friend  that  Lord  Cowley  (the  British 
Ambassador)  declared  most  emphatically  that  his  government 
had  no  official  knowledge  of  the  emperor's  views  on  the  subject 
of  recognition — that  he  had  spoken,  it  was  true,  very  freely  to 
various  persons  of  his  warm  sympathies  for  the  South,  but  that 
such  conversations  had  no  public  significance,  and  until  he  gave 
them  an  official  form  her  majesty's  ministers  would  be  presumed 
to  be  ignorant  of  them.  I  have  entire  reliance  on  the  truthful 
ness  of  the  gentleman  who  gave  me  this  information,  coming 
directly  to  him  from  Lord  Cowley.  On  inquiring  at  the  Affaires 
jfitrangeres,  I  was  informed  by  the  friend  to  whom  I  have  al 
luded  in  previous  despatches  that  Mr.  Thouvenel  expressed 
great  surprise  at  Lord  Cowley's  assertion,  saying  that  it  had  to 
him  the  appearance  of  a  mauvaise  plaisanterie  tres  reel;  that 
there  had  been  between  the  two  governments  pourparlers  on  the 
subject  of  American  affairs ;  that  England  was  not  as  well  dis 
posed  to  act  as  the  government  of  the  emperor;  that  it  was  from 
London  that  a  communication  was  expected,  and  that  the  object 
of  France  was  to  bring  about  an  armistice  as  a  necessary  pre 
liminary  to  peace;  that  Lord  Lyons  was  decidedly  opposed  to 
any  action  until  the  result  of  the  Northern  elections  should  have 
been  ascertained,  and  that  his  views  would  probably  prevail  in 
the  cabinet  council,  shortly  to  be  held,  when  the  tenor  of  the 
instructions  to  be  given  him  would  be  decided.  The  discrepancy 
between  the  statements  of  Lord  Cowley  and  Mr.  Thouvenel 
is  such  that,  giving,  as  I  do,  full  credence  to  the  latter,  I  can 
only  suppose  that  Lord  Cowley  is  not  kept  informed  of  his 
government,  or  that  he  deliberately  misrepresents  the  position  of 


112     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

affairs.     On  this  alternative  I  do  not  venture  to  express  an 
opinion.* 

"  Count  Persigny  had  promised  to  ask  for  me  an  interview 
with  the  emperor  on  his  return  from  Biarritz.  He  tells  me  that 
he  has  done  so;  that  the  emperor  says  he  will  give  me  an  audi 
ence  as  soon  as  the  excitement  of  the  Italian  imbroglio,  which 
now  throws  all  other  questions  into  the  shade  and  which  en 
grosses  his  attention,  shall  have  subsided.  I  hope  in  my  next 
despatch  to  put  you  in  possession  of  the  emperor's  purpose. 
From  present  appearances  it  seems  probable  that  he  will  not  be 
as  much  disposed  as  he  has  hitherto  been  to  defer  to  the  sug 
gestions  of  his  friends  on  the  other  side  of  the  channel.  The 
entente  cordiale  no  longer  exists,  or  at  least  is  very  seriously  im 
paired. 

"  Mr.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  has  always  been  understood  to  be  very 
favorably  disposed  towards  our  cause. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant,  JOHN  SLIDELL." 

SLIDELL  TO  BENJAMIN. 

"Hon.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State,'  Richmond: — 
'  Sir, — My  last  was  of  1st  June,  No.  9.     I  have  allowed  so 

*  Slidell  had  but  an  indifferent  opinion  of  English  statesmen 
during  this  part  of  his  public  life,  especially  of  the  upright  and 
exemplary  class  to  which  Lord  Cowley  belonged,  and  for  the 
same  reason,  I  presume,  that  rogues  have  but  a  poor  opinion  of 
the  law.  In  another  letter  written  about  this  time  to  "My  dear 
Benjamin"  he  says:  "You  will  find  by  my  official  correspond 
ence  that  we  are  still  hard  and  fast  aground  here,  and  nothing 
will  float  us  off  but  a  strong  and  continued  current  of  important 
successes  in  the  field.  I  have  no  hopes  from  England,  because  I 
am  satisfied  that  she  desires  an  indefinite  prolongation  of  the 
war  until  the  North  shall  be  entirely  exhausted  and  broken 
down.  Nothing  can  exceed  the  selfishness  of  English  statesmen 
except  their  wretched  hypocrisy;  they  are  continually  canting 
about  their  disinterestedness,  magnanimity,  and  abnegation  of 
all  other  considerations  than  those  dictated  by  a  high-toned 
morality,  while  their  active  policy  is  marked  by  egotism  and 
duplicity. 


SLIDELL  AND  PERSIGNY.  113 

long  an  interval  since  to  elapse,  because  Mr.  Billault's  declaration 
that  France  would  not  act  in  our  matters  without  the  co-opera 
tion  of  England  was  so  unqualified  and  peremptory  that  I  con 
sidered  it  quite  idle,  for  the  time  at  least,  to  importune  those  who 
were  friendly  to  our  cause,  and  therefore  had  nothing  new  to 
communicate. 

"  In  the  meanwhile,  however,  I  had  corresponded  with  Mr. 
Mason,  expressing  the  opinion  that  the  time  had  arrived  when 
we  should  make  simultaneously  a  formal  demand  for  recogni 
tion,  and,  if  it  were  refused,  should  say  that  it  would  not  be  re 
newed  until  we  should  receive  from  the  respective  governments 
to  which  we  are  accredited  an  intimation  that  they  are  prepared 
to  entertain  it  favorably.  Mr.  Mason  agreed  with  me  in  this 
opinion,  and  I  accordingly  prepared  a  letter  to  Mr.  Thouvenel 
which  I  expected  to  present  about  the  20th  ultimo;  but  Mr. 
Mason  having  consulted  several  members  of  Parliament  friendly 
to  our  cause,  was  advised  to  defer  making  his  demand ;  he  ac 
cordingly  decided  so  to  do,  and  I  consequently  determined  to  with 
hold  mine. 

"Subsequent  events  have  shown  that  nothing  has  been  lost 
by  the  delay. 

"  On  Thursday,  the  10th  instant,  we  received  the  first  intelli 
gence  of  the  battles  of  the  26th  and  27th  of  June,  and  the  '  stra 
tegical  movements '  of  McClellan  across  the  Chickahominy  and 
towards  James  River.  On  the  strength  of  this  news  and  of  your 
despatch  No.  3  (which  with  numbers  1,  2,  and  4  had  been  de 
livered  by  Mr.  De  Leon)  I  was  about  to  call  on  Count  de  Per- 
signy,  when  I  received  a  message  from  that  gentleman,  who  had 
recently  returned  after  an  absence  of  some  weeks  in  England, 
saying  that  he  desired  to  see  me.  I,  of  course,  lost  no  time  in 
complying  with  his  request.  I  communicated  to  him  confiden 
tially  the  substance  of  my  new  instructions,  and  he  advised  me 
to  proceed  to  Vichy,  where  the  emperor  would  be  on  Saturday, 
but  he  thought  would  be  much  occupied  for  a  day  or  two  in  re 
ceiving  the  authorities,  etc.  The  count  gave  me  a  very  warm 
letter  to  General  Fleury,  who  is  a  great  favorite  of  the  emperor 
and  constantly  accompanies  him,  urging  him  to  procure  an  audi 
ence  for  me.  I  went  accordingly  to  Vichy  on  Tuesday,  arriving 
there  in  the  evening.  The  next  morning  I  sent  a  note  to  General 
Fleury,  enclosing  that  of  Mr.  de  Persigny  soliciting  his  good 


114  FRANCE  AND   THE   CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

offices  to  procure  me  une  audience  offlcieusevfiih  the  emperor.  I 
very  soon  received  a  reply  saying  that  the  emperor  would  re 
ceive  me  at  two  o'clock. 

"  You  will  find  herewith  full  details  of  my  interview  marked 
No.  1. 

"Mr.  Thouvenel  having  returned  from  London,  whither  he 
had  gone  to  attend  the  Exhibition,  I  addressed  him  on  Sunday 
evening  a  note  asking  for  an  interview.  The  next  morning  I  re 
ceived  an  answer,  saying  that  he  would  with  pleasure  see  me  on 
Wednesday,  23d  July,  at  1  o'clock. 

"He  received  me  very  cordially,  and  after  some  preliminary 
conversation  about  his  visit  to  London  and  the  state  of  affairs  in 
America,  I  said  that  I  had  asked  to  see  him  for  the  purpose  of 
presenting  a  formal  demand  of  recognition,  which  I  wished  to 
accompany  with  some  oral  explanations.  He  said,  '  Had  you  not 
better  withhold  it  for  the  present?  In  a  few  weeks,  when  we 
shall  have  further  news  from  the  seat  of  war,  we  can  better  judge 
of  the  expediency  of  so  grave  a  step,  and  the  English  govern 
ment  may  perhaps  then  be  prepared  to  co-operate  with  us,  which 
they  certainly  are  not  now;  that  the  refusal  to  acknowledge  us, 
however  worded,  could  not  fail  to  be  prejudicial  to  our  cause; 
that  the  answer  could  only  be  couched  en  banalites  (common 
place  phrases)  and  unmeaning  generalities.'  I  replied  that  ray 
own  decided  opinion  had  been  in  favor  of  presenting  the  demand 
several  weeks  since;  that  I  had  yielded  to  the  better  judgment  of 
my  colleague  at  London,  who  had  consulted  several  of  our  lead 
ing  friends  in  Parliament  as  to  the  expediency  of  such  a  step,  but 
that  I  could  no  longer  consent  to  defer  it  with  any  regard  to  the 
interests  of  the  government  or  to  self-respect;  that  if  it  were  not 
to  be  recognized  now  after  such  signal  demonstration  of  our  will 
and  ability  to  maintain  our  independence,  I  could  see  no  reason 
to  hope  for  recognition  excepting  at  some  distant  future,  when  it 
would  be  of  no  value  to  us,  and  when  we  should  not  want  it; 
that  with  all  due  deference  to  his  friendly  suggestions  I  must 
persist  in  my  purpose.  I  then  asked  him  if  he  had  seen  or  heard 
from  the  emperor  since  his  return  from  England?  He  said  that 
he  had  not  seen  him,  but  that  he  had  received  from  him  a  short 
note  saying  that  he  would  very  soon  write  to  him  about  Ameri 
can  affairs.  I  said,  '  Your  Excellency  does  not  probably  know 
that  I  have  had  the  honor  of  an  audience  with  the  emperor.' 


SLIDELL  AND  THOUVENEL.  115 

He  replied  that  he  did  not,  and  asked  whether  I  had  seen  the 
emperor  at  Vichy.  He  then  entered  into  a  long  conversation, 
which,  as  it  referred  principally  to  what  had  passed  in  my  inter 
view  with  the  emperor,  and  was  a  paraphrase  of  the  arguments  I 
then  used,  it  is  not  necessary  to  repeat.  It  appeared  to  produce 
a  very  decided  impression  on  Mr.  Thouvenel,  and  he  made  no 
further  attempt  to  dissuade  me  from  presenting  my  demand. 
He  asked  me  whether  Mr.  Mason  would  send  a  similar  letter  to 
Earl  Russell?  I  said  that  he  had  either  done  so  to-day  or  would 
do  so  to-morrow.  He  said  that  he  was  glad  to  know  it,  as  it  was 
all  important  that  the  same  application  should  be  made  simul 
taneously  to  both  governments.  He  said  that  Lord  Lyons  and 
Mr.  Mercier  were  both  decidedly  of  opinion  that  an  offer  of 
mediation  now  would  only  create  additional  exasperation  at  the 
North,  and  could  only  be  attended  with  mischievous  results.  I 
said  that  while  it  was  not  desired  by  us,  it  would  not  be  refused ; 
all  we  asked  for  was  recognition,  which  we  thought  could  no 
longer  be  deferred  without  violating  the  principles  which  the 
emperor  cherished  and  England  professed,  and  without  ignoring 
all  the  precedents  of  the  last  thirty  or  forty  years.  I  asked  him 
if  Mr.  Mercier  did  not  consider  the  re-establishment  of  the  Union 
impossible?  He  said,  '  Yes;'  that  it  was  not  only  his  very  decided 
opinion  but  of  every  one  in  France.  In  reply  to  my  suggestion 
that  we  should  be  allowed  to  correspond  with  our  government 
by  French  ships-of-war,  he  said  that  the  privilege  was  not  even 
allowed  to  their  own  subjects  writing  of  their  own  private 
affairs ;  that  it  would  be  a  breach  of  neutrality.  I  referred  him 
to  Haute ville,  the  most  eminent  modern  French  publicist,  as 
negativing  this  opinion.  He  said  if  we  were  recognized,  the 
privilege  might  be  granted;  to  do  so  before  would  not  be  loyal. 
Although  I  could  not  see  the  force  of  the  distinction,  I,  of  course, 
could  not  say  so,  as  I  hope  that  I  shall  have  an  opportunity  of 
availing  myself  of  it.  I  then  handed  my  letter  to  Mr.  Thouvenel, 
of  which  I  send  copy  marked  No.  2,  with  a  memorandum  on  the 
subject  of  the  blockade,  substantially  your  No.  2.  Mr.  Thou 
venel  promised  me  that  he  would  have  them  translated  without 
delay,  and  copies  sent  to  the  emperor.  He  said  that  he  was 
going  to  Germany  on  Saturday  to  accompany  his  wife,  who  was 
unwell ;  would  be  absent  about  ten  days ;  that  in  the  meanwhile  he 
would  fully  examine  the  whole  matter  and  especially  the  ques- 


116     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

tion  of  boundaries,  of  which  he  had  spoken  at  large.  I  conse 
quently  cannot  expect  an  answer  before  the  12th  or  15th  of 
August,  and  its  character  then  will  of  course  very  much  depend 
upon  the  more  or  less  favorable  accounts  we  may  receive  of  the 
progress  of  the  war. 

"  As  I  was  taking  leave,  Mr.  Thouvenel  asked  me  to  give  him 
a  brief  written  memorandum  of  the  propositions  in  confidence, 
for  his  own  use  and  that  of  the  emperor.*  I  sent  him  one,  un 
signed,  copy  of  which  you  will  find  herewith,  marked  No.  3. 
He  asked  me  if  any  similar  propositions  had  been  or  would  be 
made  to  England  ?  I  replied,  certainly  not,  that  our  commissioner 
there  was  ignorant  of  them,  although  I  intended  to  give  him  the 
information  so  soon  as  I  found  a  safe  opportunity. 

"With  this  full  narrative  of  what  has  passed  here,  you  will  be 
enabled  to  form  as  safe  an  opinion  as  I  can  of  the  prospect  of 
recognition.  While  I  do  not  wish  to  create  or  indulge  false  ex 
pectations,  I  will  venture  to  say  that  I  am  more  hopeful  than  I 
have  been  at  any  moment  since  my  arrival  in  Europe. 
"  With  great  respect, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"JOHN  SLIDELL. 

"  P.S. — I  have  also  received  since  my  last,  despatches  numbered 
respectively  Noo.  3  and  5,  the  latter  in  the  form  of  a  copy  for 
warded  from  London  by  Mr.  Mason." 

BLIDELL'S  ACCOUNT  OP  HIS  FIRST  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  EM 
PEROR. 

"  On  Wednesday  evening,  July  16,  at  nine  o'clock,  I  enclosed 
to  General  Fleury,  aide-de-camp  and  premier  ecuyer  of  the  em 
peror,  a  letter  from  Count  de  Persigny,  and  asked  him  to  procure 
me  the  honor  of  an  unofficial  audience  with  the  emperor.  Before 
twelve  o'clock  I  received  from  Mr.  Fleury  a  note  stating  that  the 
emperor  would  receive  me  at  two  o'clock.  The  emperor  received 
me  with  great  kindness,  and,  after  saying  that  he  was  very  happy 
to  see  me  and  regretted  that  circumstances  had  prevented  his 

*  These  were  proposals  from  Benjamin  to  the  emperor  to  hire 
his  fleet  to  break  the  blockade  by  a  present  among  other  things 
of  one  thousand  bales  of  cotton,  the  emperor  to  send  his  ships 
for  them.  See  these  proposals  infra. 


SLIDELL  AND  THE   EMPEROR.  117 

sooner  doing  so,  invited  me  to  be  seated.  He  commenced  the 
conversation  by  referring  to  the  news  contained  in  the  evening 
papers  of  the  previous  day  of  the  defeat  of  the  Federal  armies 
before  Richmond,  which  appeared  to  give  him  much  satisfaction. 
He  spoke  of  Lincoln's  call  for  three  hundred  thousand  additional 
troops  as  evidence  of  his  conviction  of  the  desperate  character  of 
the  struggle  in  which  he  had  been  engaged  and  of  the  great 
losses  which  the  Federal  forces  had  sustained.  That  although 
it  was  unquestionably  for  the  interest  of  France  that  the  United 
States  should  be  a  powerful  and  united  people,  to  act  as  a  con- 
trepoids  to  the  maritime  power  of  England,  yet  his  sympathies 
had  always  been  with  the  South,  whose  people  are  struggling 
for  the  principle  of  self-government,  of  which  he  was  a  firm  and 
consistent  advocate;  that  he  had,  from  the  first,  seen  the  true 
character  of  the  contest,  and  considered  the  re-establishment  of 
the  union  impossible  and  final  separation  a  mere  question  of 
time.  That  the  difficulty  was  to  find  the  way  to  give  effect  to 
his  sympathies;  that  he  had  always  desired  to  preserve  the  most 
friendly  relations  with  England,  and  that,  in  so  grave  a  matter, 
he  had  not  been  willing  to  act  without  her  co-operation;  that  he 
had  several  times  intimated  his  wish  for  action  in  our  behalf, 
but  had  met  with  no  favorable  response,  and  that,  besides,  Eng 
land  had  a  deeper  interest  in  the  question  than  France,  that  she 
wished  him  to  '  draw  the  chestnuts  from  the  fire  for  her  bene 
fit.'  He  asked  me  to  give  my  views  of  the  state  of  affairs  and 
of  what  could  be  done  to  bring  the  war  to  a  close.  The  conver 
sation  had  thus  far  been  in  French,  with  occasional  remarks 
from  me;  but  as  I  knew  that  the  emperor  spoke  English  well 
and  fluently,  and  was  said  not  to  dislike  having  an  opportunity 
to  converse  in  our  language,  I  said  that,  if  it  would  not  be  dis 
agreeable  to  him,  I  would  prefer  speaking  English— I  could  bet 
ter  express  myself  in  my  own  tongue.  He  assented,  and  during 
the  remainder  of  the  interview  the  conversation  was  in  English. 
He  inquired  the  amount  of  our  army.  I  estimated  the  number 
of  men  now  under  arms  at  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  thou 
sand,  although  at  certain  previous  periods,  before  we  had  aban 
doned  the  impossible  idea  of  defending  all  the  points  of  our  im 
mense  coast  and  frontier,  the  number  had  probably  been  nearer 
five  hundred  thousand,  but  since  we  had  adopted  the  policy  of 
concentrating  our  forces,  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men 


118     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

were,  I  thought,  as  many  as  we  could  advantageously  employ. 
That  our  difficulty  was  not  to  find  men;  of  them  we  had  and 
always  would  have  more  than  enough,  but  that  what  we  wanted 
were  arms,  powder,  and  clothing.  I  explained  the  composition 
and  character  of  our  army;  that  with  us  every  man  was  a  sol 
dier,  that  very  many  of  the  elite  of  our  country  were  serving  in 
the  ranks;  spoke  of  the  devotion  and  enthusiasm  of  our  women; 
that  our  men  were  badly  clothed  and  fed,  most  of  them  with  in 
ferior  arms,  and  all  insufficiently  and  irregularly  paid,  but  sub 
mitting  patiently  to  all  the  privations.  That,  on  the  contrary, 
our  enemies  were  admirably  equipped  and  armed,  as  a  general 
rule  profusely  fed,  having  many  luxuries  in  abundance,  such  as 
tea  and  coffee,  of  which  our  troops  were  entirely  deprived;  but 
that  the  very  large  majority  were  mercenaries,  who  served  for 
pay  and  food,  not  being  able  to  find  employment  and  wages 
[the  emperor  expressed  his  great  surprise  at  our  troops  not  hav 
ing  coffee,  which,  he  said,  was  considered  essential  to  the  health 
of  the  soldiers] ;  that  probably  one  half  of  the  privates  were 
foreigners,  principally  Germans  and  Irish,  while  our  troops  were 
almost  exclusively  born  on  our  soil;  that  this  difference  made 
them  much  more  than  a  match  for  their  enemies  when  they  met 
with  equal  numbers,  but  that  this  advantage  was  more  than  com 
pensated  by  the  greater  moral  value  of  those  whom  we  lost — 
carrying  mourning  into  every  Southern  family,  while  no  interest 
was  felt  at  the  North  for  the  mercenaries  who  were  fighting  their 
battles,  so  long  as  they  could  supply  their  places  by  new  levies. 
"  I  spoke  of  the  submission  of  the  neutral  powers  to  a  blockade, 
which  for  more  than  six  months  had  existed  only  on  paper,  as 
having  inflicted  on  us  incalculable  injury ;  that  the  submission 
to  a  blockade,  not  enforced  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of 
international  law  and  the  4th  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  the 
voluntary  renunciation  of  the  right  to  trade  with  ports  not  really 
blockaded,  were,  in  fact,  a  violation  of  the  neutrality  which  the 
European  powers  professed  to  observe,  and  that  we  were  espe 
cially  disappointed  that  France,  who  had  always  championed 
neutral  rights,  should  for  the  first  time  have  failed  to  assert 
them.  The  emperor  said  that  he  had  committed  a  great  error, 
which  he  now  deeply  regretted.  France  should  never  have  re 
spected  the  blockade;  that  the  European  powers  should  have  rec 
ognized  us  last  summer,  when  our  ports  were  in  our  possession 


SLIDELL'S  STORY  TO  THE  EMPEROR.  119 

and  when  we  were  menacing  Washington.  But  what,  he  asked, 
can  now  be  done?  To  open  the  ports  forcibly  would  be  an  act 
of  war;  mediation,  if  offered,  would  be  refused,  and  probably  in 
insulting  terms,  by  the  North;  and  mere  recognition,  while  of 
little  advantage  to  us,  would  probably  involve  him  in  a  war.  To 
this  I  replied  that  a  large  portion  of  our  coast  was  not  even  now 
effectually  blockaded;  vessels  were  constantly  arriving  at  and 
departing  from  Charleston,  "Wilmington,  and  numerous  other 
small  ports;  they  might  be  declared  open,  and  the  declaration, 
if  necessary,  enforced  by  arms;  that  the  Northern  press  and  gov 
ernment  would  bully  and  menace,  but  that  experience  had  fully 
shown  what  value  should  be  placed  on  their  threats.  They  had 
first  instructed  their  ministers  to  say  that  our  simple  recognition 
as  belligerents  would  be  considered  as  an  act  of  hostility;  that 
we  had  been  so  recognized ;  then  that  any  communication  with 
our  agents,  even  unofficial,  would  be  so  considered  and  followed 
by  the  like  consequences;  that  our  privateersmen  would  be 
hanged  as  pirates;  they  had  threatened  Holland  with  war  be 
cause  she  had  permitted  the  Bumpier  to  take  supplies  of  provisions 
and  coal  in  her  ports ;  yet  in  all  these  instances,  and  many  others 
that  could  be  cited,  finding  that  their  menaces  had  been  disre 
garded,  or,  as  in  the  case  of  the  privateers,  retaliatory  measures 
would  be  adopted  by  the  Confederate  States,  they  had,  with  bad 
grace  it  is  true,  but  very  quietly,  abandoned  their  absurd  and  in 
solent  pretensions.  The  crowning  instance  of  loud  boasting  and 
ignominious  backing-out  was  the  affair  of  the  Trent.  The  com 
mander  of  the  San  Jacinto  had  been  f6ted  wherever  he  went  as 
a  conqueror;  that  his  journey  from  his  landing  at  Boston  to  his 
arrival  at  Washington  was  one  continuous  ovation;  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  officially  endorsed  his  action ;  the  House  of  Kepre- 
sentatives  voted  him  a  sword  by  acclamation ;  the  President  and 
his  Cabinet  openly  declared  that  the  prisoners  should  never  be 
surrendered;  and  the  entire  press,  without  exception,  denounced 
as  cowards  and  traitors  all  who  ventured  even  to  hint  that  the 
seizure  was  illegal.  Yet  they  had  succumbed  so  soon  as  the 
peremptory  demand  to  give  up  the  prisoners  was  made  by  Eng 
land,  backed  by  the  significant  letter  of  Mr.  Thouvenel.  The 
emperor  asked  me  how  I  had  been  treated  while  prisoner.  I  an 
swered,  not  discourteously ;  but  that  we  had  been  very  indiffer 
ently  lodged  at  Fort  Warren.  His  majesty  occupies,  by  the 


120     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

way,  a  small  house  at  Vichy,  and  received  me  in  his  only  salon 
there,  and  one  of  very  modest  proportions.  I  told  him  that  we 
were  four  prisoners  in  a  room,  of  about  one  fourth  the  dimen 
sions  of  the  one  in  which  we  were  sitting,  which  served  us 
for  bedroom,  salon,  and  dining-room,  at  Fort  Warren,  but  that 
fortunately  we  had  found  there  a  very  agreeable  mess,  estab 
lished  in  a  kitchen.  I  took  this  occasion  to  say  that  I  regretted 
not  to  have  had  an  earlier  opportunity  of  presenting,  on  behalf 
of  my  wife  and  children,  my  thanks  for  his  friendly  interposi 
tion,  to  which  I  mainly  attributed  my  release;  but  that  I  had  al 
ways  regretted  it,  because  if  we  had  not  been  given  up  it  would 
have  caused  a  war  with  England,  which  would  have  been  of 
short  duration,  and  whatever  might  have  happened  to  myself, 
the  result  must  have  been  advantageous  to  our  cause.  The  em 
peror  said  that  he  thought  I  was  right;  that  he  regretted  to  say 
that  England  had  not  properly  appreciated  his  friendly  action  in 
the  affair  of  the  Trent;  that  there  were  many  reasons  why  he 
desired  to  be  on  the  best  terms  with  her;  but  that  the  policy  of 
nations  necessarily  changed  with  circumstances,  and  that  he 
was  constantly  obliged  to  look  forward  to  the  possible  con 
tingency  of  not  always  having  the  same  friendly  relations  as 
now  existed. 

"This  gave  me  an  opportunity  of  saying  about  Mexican  affairs 
substantially  what  will  be  found  in  my  letter  to  Mr.  Thouvenel 
of  21st  instant.  I  went  still  further,  and  said  that  as  the  Lincoln 
government  was  the  ally  and  protector  of  his  enemy  Juarez,  we 
could  have  no  objection  to  make  common  cause  with  him  against 
the  common  enemy. 

"I  asked  him  if  he  had  seen  Count  de  Persigny  since  his  re 
turn  from  England,  or  if  the  count  (to  whom  I  had  confidentially 
communicated  the  substance  of  your  despatch,  No.  3)  had  writ 
ten  him  about  our  affairs.  He  said  that  he  had  neither  seen 
nor  heard  from  the  count.  I  then  stated  to  the  emperor  what  I 
had  been  instructed  to  propose.*  It  did  not  seem  disagreeable. 
He  said,  "How  am  I  to  get  the  cotton?"  I  replied,  "  That,  of 
course,  depends  upon  your  majesty."  He  will  soon  have  a  fleet 

*  This  refers  to  Benjamin's  effort,  already  noted,  to  tempt  the 
emperor,  by  an  offer  of  cotton,  to  send  a  fleet  to  invade  our  coast 
and  break  the  blockade. 


SLIDELL  AND   THE  EMPEROR.  121 

in  the  neighborhood  of  our  coast  strong  enough  to  keep  it  clear 
of  every  Federal  cruiser. 

"I  gave  him  in  a  few  words  a  description  of  the  American 
marine— some  second-class  steamers  constructed  for  war  pur 
poses,  and  a  large  number  of  merchant  vessels  hastily  purchased 
and  fitted  up  for  the  blockade  and  transport  service.  I  said  that 
the  Gloire,  the  Garonne,  or  the  Normandy,  could  pass  the  fortifi 
cations  of  New  York  and  Boston,  and  hold  those  towns  at  their 
mercy;  or  could  enter  the  Chesapeake,  destroy  all  the  vessels 
there,  and  Fortress  Monroe,  by  bombardment. 

"He  agreed  with  me  in  this.  I  expressed  my  regret  at  hav 
ing  heard  that  some  of  his  first-class  steamers  were  armed  en  flute, 
and  asked  if  his  armament  could  not  be  completed  at  Martinique 
and  Guadeloupe,  and  suggested  that,  if  not,  guns  could  be  sent 
there  for  the  purpose.  He  appeared  to  be  pleased  with  the  sug 
gestion. 

"He  then  spoke  of  recognition,  saying  that  simple  recognition 
would  be  of  no  value,  and  as  to  mediation,  that  would  be  re 
fused  by  the  North.  I  replied  that,  as  to  mediation,  I  agreed 
with  him  that,  if  offered,  it  would  be  refused  by  the  North,  but 
would  be  accepted  by  us,  but  that  such  refusal  and  acceptance 
\vould  be  of  vast  advantage  to  our  cause,  and  enlist  the  sympa 
thies  of  the  civilized  world  in  our  favor,  and  afford  sufficient  rea 
son  for  more  potent  intervention.  But  we  did  not  ask  for  medi 
ation;  all  we  asked  for  was  recognition;  that  there  was  a  large 
majority  in  the  Northern  States  in  favor  of  peace  and  separation, 
but  that  a  reign  of  terror  existed  which,  for  the  present,  stifled 
all  expression  of  such  opinions;  that  the  Congressional  elections 
were  approaching,  and  that  recognition  would  give  the  peace 
party  courage  to  organize,  and  perhaps  place  them  in  the  major 
ity.  He  said  that  he  was  pleased  to  see  that  there  had  been  a 
great  peace  meeting  in  New  York.  I  said  that  recognition 
would  at  once  bring  out  many  similar  demonstrations.  I  then 
said  that,  although  we  did  not  place  ourselves  on  that  ground, 
the  interests  of  humanity  might  be  urged  as  calling  on  Europe, 
and  especially  on  him  who  exercised  so  potent  an  influence  over 
the  destinies  of  the  world,  to  put  an  end  to  the  strife,  which  was 
not  only  devastating  the  South  and  exhausting  the  North,  but 
paralyzed  the  commerce  and  industry  of  Europe.  He  replied, 
'  What  you  say  is  true,  but  the  policy  of  nations  is  controlled  by 
6 


122     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

their  interests,  and  not  by  their  sentiments,  and  ought  to  be  so.' 
I  replied  that  I  fully  admitted  his  proposition,  but  that  the  inter 
ests  to  be  consulted  should  not  be  those  of  the  hour;  that  Eng 
land  seemed  to  have  abdicated  the  great  part  which  she  had  been 
accustomed  to  play  in  the  affairs  of  the  world,  and  adopted  a  tor 
tuous,  selfish,  and  time-serving  policy,  which  had  only  served  to 
make  all  nations  either  her  bitter  enemies,  or,  at  least,  fair-weath 
er  friends.  That  we  at  first  had  been  well-disposed  towards 
England,  but  that  having,  for  selfish,  ulterior  purposes,  to  revive 
for  her  advantage  the  old,  exploded  principles  of  blockade,  and 
to  secure  the  monopoly  of  cotton  for  her  Indian  colonies,  given 
a  false  interpretation  to  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  we  should  never 
hereafter  consider  her  our  friend.  The  emperor  remarked,  '  I 
have  already  told  you  what  I  thought  of  the  blockade,  and  as  to 
the  culture  of  cotton  in  India  supplanting  yours,  I  consider  the 
idea  entirely  chimerical.  If  you  do  not  give  it  to  us  we  cannot 
find  it  elsewhere.'  I  then  said,  'Your  majesty  has  now  an  op 
portunity  of  securing  a  faithful  ally,  bound  to  you  not  only  by 
the  ties  of  gratitude,  but  by  those,  more  reliable,  of  a  common 
interest  and  congenial  habits.'  He  said,  '  Yes,  you  have  many 
families  of  French  descent  in  Louisiana  who  yet  preserve  their 
habits  and  language.'  I  replied  that  he  was  right,  and  that  I 
could  give  him  an  instance  in  my  own  family  where  French  was 
habitually  spoken.*  He  asked  me  whether  we  anticipated  no 
difficulty  from  our  slaves.  I  replied  that  they  had  never  been 
more  quiet  and  more  respectful,  and  that  no  better  evidence  could 
be  given  of  their  being  contented  and  happy.  This  was  the 
only  allusion  made  to  slavery  during  the  interview. 

"The  emperor  asked  me  if  I  expected  that  England  would 
agree  to  co-operate  with  him  in  our  recognition.  I  replied  that 
he,  of  course,  must  have  much  better  information  than  I,  but 
that  our  friends  in  England  were  more  hopeful  than  they  ever 
had  been  before,  and  that  our  commissioner  at  London,  for  the 
first  time  since  his  arrival,  wrote  encouragingly.  That  the  mo 
tion  of  Mr.  Lindsay  recommending  recognition  would  be  brought 

*  Mr.  Slidell  was  born  in  New  York  City,  where  he  was  an 
unsuccessful  tradesman  before  he  went  to  New  Orleans  to  mend 
his  fortune. 


SLIDELL  WITH  THE  EMPEROR.  123 

up  on  Friday,  and  that  probably  the  debate  would  bring  out 
Lord  Palmerston  with  a  declaration  of  his  purposes.  He  asked 
how  Cobden  was  disposed.  I  said  that  he  was  unfriendly  to  usi, 
but  not  so  much  so  as  Bright.  That  it  was  conceded  on  all 
hands  that  an  immense  majority  of  the  House  of  Commons  was 
in  our  favor,  but  that  Lord  Derby  was  not  prepared  to  take  office, 
and  nothing  would  be  done  that  would  cause  Lord  Palmerston  to 
resign. 

"  While  I  was  advocating  recognition  the  emperor,  with  a  very 
significant  smile,  said, '  It  is  very  singular  that,  while  you  ask  abso 
lute  recognition,  Mr.  Dayton  is  calling  upon  me  to  retract  my 
qualified  recognition  of  you  as  belligerents.'  I  replied  that  such 
a  demand  was  but  another  evidence  of  the  insolence  of  the  Wash 
ington  government. 

"  The  emperor  asked  me,  if  France  and  England  intervene,  on 
what  terms  can  a  peace  be  made?  The  question  of  boundaries 
is  a  most  difficult  one;  what  will  you  do  with  the  border  states? 
You  will  not  be  willing  to  accept  what  the  North,  even  if  she 
submits  to  separation,  will  accord.  I  replied  that  the  question 
appeared,  indeed,  to  be  difficult,  but  it  seemed  to  be  susceptible 
of  an  easy  solution,  and  one  which  he  would  willingly  receive. 
In  all  the  states  where  the  people  had,  in  full  conventions,  voted 
for  separations,  there  could  be  no  difficulty;  that  in  Kentucky, 
Missouri,  and  Maryland  the  question  whether  they  would  join 
our  confederacy,  form  a  separate  one  for  themselves,  or  remain 
with  the  United  States,  should  be  submitted  to  the  popular  vote, 
and  that  I  had  no  fear  of  the  result;  that  such  had  been  the  em 
peror's  policy  in  Italy,  and  the  whole  world  approved  it.  That 
the  Chesapeake,  Potomac,  and  Ohio  were  natural  and  indispensa 
ble  boundaries,  which  could  not  be  relinquished.  He  regretted 
that  he  had  no  map  at  Vichy,  that  we  might  trace  the  line. 

"  I  should  have  mentioned  that,  when  speaking  of  the  cotton 
subsidy,  I  told  the  emperor  that  the  proposition  was  made  exclu 
sively  to  France,*  my  colleague  at  London  not  being  aware  of 
my  authority  to  make  it. 

"  I  said  to  the  emperor  that,  in  deciding  upon  the  course  he 
was  to  pursue,  he  might  assume  two  fixed  points  of  departure : 
First,  that  reconstruction  on  any  terms  was  impossible.  Sec- 

*  See  p.  120. 


124     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

ond,  that  without  European  intervention  in  some  form  or  other 
peace  was  impossible  within  any  reasonable  period ;  that  a  peace 
must  be  preceded  by  an  armistice,  with  our  ports  open  to  the 
commerce  of  the  world. 

"I  omitted  to  mention  that,  in  speaking  of  Mexican  affairs,  I 
said  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  sent  to  the  Senate  the  treaty  negotiated 
by  Mr.  Corwin— that  it  was,  in  fact,  a  subsidy  of  $11,000,000— 
to  enable  Juarez  to  carry  on  the  war  against  France.  He  re 
plied,  'But  the  Senate  will  not  ratify  it.'  'Of  this,'  I  said,  'I 
had  no  means  to  form  an  opinion ;  but,  at  any  rate,  it  was  clear 
that  the  President  approved  of  its  principle,  and  the  executive 
virtually  controlled  the  foreign  relations.'  I  said  that  I  had 
heard,  from  what  seemed  to  be  good  authority,  although  I  did 
not  pretend  to  vouch  for  the  truth  of  the  report,  that  Schufledt, 
United  States  Consul-General  at  Havana,  had  gone  to  Mexico,  and 
placed  at  the  disposition  of  Juarez  $2,000,000,  being  the  cash 
instalment  stipulated  by  the  treaty;  and  if  this  were  so,  the  Mexi 
can  army  was  now  waging  war  against  France  with  means  fur 
nished  by  the  Federal  treasury.  I  also  alluded  to  the  presence 
of  the  Orleans  princes  in  the  Federal  armies  as  evidence  at  least 
that  Lincoln  was  not  particularly  desirous  to  avoid  giving  just 
cause  of  offence  to  France,  and  mentioned  that  the  son  of  the 
Prince  de  Joinville  was  now  serving  as  a  midshipman  on  board 
of  a  Federal  man-of-war,  a  fact  of  which  he  had  been  previously 
ignorant. 

"I  suggested  that,  without  violating  neutrality,  we  might  be 
allowed  to  communicate  with  our  government  by  French  ships- 
of-war  visiting  our  ports;  that  such  communication  was  called 
for  even  by  French  interests;  that  it  was  important  that  South 
ern  newspapers  should  be  freely  received  to  neutralize  the  false 
statements  of  the  Northern  press.  The  emperor  replied  that 
such  a  request  seemed  reasonable,  and  that  he  would  consider  it. 

"Finding  that  the  interview  had  been  sufficiently  prolonged, 
I  rose  to  take  leave,  saying  that  I  had  already  too  much  abused 
his  indulgence  ;  that  I  had,  perhaps,  omitted  to  present  some 
arguments  which,  if  not  new  to  him,  were  from  a  different  point 
of  view,  but  that  I  had  prepared  a  formal  demand  of  recognition, 
in  which  they  were  embodied,  and  that  I  intended  to  present 
them  to  Mr.  Thouvenel  as  soon  as  he  should  return  from  Eng 
land,  where  he  then  was,  and  I  would  feel  much  obliged,  if  he 


THE  EMPEROR  NON-COMMITTAL.  125 

saw  any  reason  to  object  to  the  course  I  proposed,  that  he  would 
intimate  his  wish.  He  said  that  he  saw  no  objection  to  my  pre 
senting  my  demand;  Jie,  of  course,  said  nothing  to  commit  him 
self  as  to  the  answer  that  would  be  given.  At  parting  he  said 
that  he  hoped  in  future  there  would  be  less  difficulty  in  my 
seeing  him  than  had  heretofore  existed. 

"On  the  whole,  my  interview  was  most  satisfactory.  I  had 
been  led  to  expect,  from  what  I  had  heard  of  his  habitual  man 
ner,  that  he  would  be  extremely  reserved,  confining  himself  to 
asking  questions  or  intimating  on  what  points  he  wished  me  to 
speak,  with  occasional  brief  observations  on  his  part.  On  the 
contrary,  he  was  frank,  unreserved,  I  might  perhaps  say  cordial, 
placing  me  entirely  at  my  ease  by  the  freedom  with  which  he 
spoke  himself.  Although  he  said  nothing  to  commit  himself 
as  to  his  future  course,  I  left  Mm  with  the  decided  impression 
that  if  England  long  preserved  in  obstinate  inaction  he  would 
take  the  responsibility  of  moving  by  himself. 

"The  interview  lasted  seventy  minutes;  and  as  the  conversa 
tion  was  free  and  animated,  I  cannot  rely  sufficiently  on  my 
memory  to  repeat  everything  that  was  said  by  the  emperor,  but 
I  am  sure  that  I  have  not  omitted  anything  important,  and  that 
I  have  given  substantially  what  he  said." 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  interview,  on  Mr. 
SlidelTs  own  admission,  the  emperor  committed  him 
self  to  nothing.  Instead  of  the  commissioner  inter 
viewing  the  emperor,  the  emperor  interviewed  the 
commissioner ;  and  though  his  majesty  "  was  frank 
and  unreserved,  I  might  say  cordial,"  he  courteously 
permitted  the  commissioner  to  do  all  the  talking. 

The  commissioner's  next  interview  with  the  em 
peror  was  at  St.  Cloud,  three  months  later. 


CHAPTER  X. 

SlideWs  Second  Interview  with  the  Emperor. — Invites  him  again 
to  Break  the  Blockade. — Proposes  to  Submit  the  Issue  between 
the  United  States  and  the  Confederate  States  to  the  Emperor, 
Knowing  his  Views. — Asks  the  Emperor  not  to  Watch  too  Closely 
what  was  Going  on  in  his  Ship-yards. — The  Confederate  Gov 
ernment  had  no  Objection  to  his  Seizing  St.  Domingo. 

SLIPELL'S  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  SECOND  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE 
EMPEROR. 

"Memorandum  of  an  interview  with  the  emperor  at  St.  Cloud, 
on  Tuesday,  October  22, 1862  : 

' '  The  emperor  received  me  in  a  most  friendly  manner.  Taking 
me  by  the  hand,  he  inquired  how  I  had  been,  and  invited  me  to 
be  seated.  He  then  asked  me  what  news  I  had  from  America, 
and  how  our  affairs  were  going  on.  I  replied  that  we  were  en 
tirely  cut  off  from  the  reception  of  any  news,  that  we  were 
obliged  to  take  our  intelligence  from  the  Northern  press,  and  that 
he  well  knew  how  little  reliable  it  was,  being  subject  to  the  most 
arbitrary  surveillance  over  everything  connected  with  the  war. 
But  that  in  spite  of  that  surveillance  the  truth  could,  after  a  cer 
tain  lapse  of  time,  be  gleaned  even  from  Northern  journals,  and 
especially  from  the  private  correspondence  of  persons  at  New 
York  and  elsewhere.  That  since  I  had  the  honor  of  seeing  him 
at  Vichy  our  position  had  most  materially  improved,  and  was 
now  better  than  at  any  previous  period.  That  our  troops  were 
as  numerous  and  better  disciplined  than  they  had  ever  been ; 
that  time  and  opportunity  had  developed  high  military  talent  in 
many  of  our  officers,  while  there  was  a  singular  absence  of  that 
quality  among  Northern  generals  ;  that  while  we  anxiously  de 
sired  to  see  the  war  brought  to  a  close,  we  had  no  apprehensions 
whatever  of  the  final  result  of  the  contest ;  that  we  had  the  im- 


SLIDELL  ADVISES  THE  EMPEROR.  127 

mense  advantage  over  our  enemies  of  harmonious  counsels  and 
a  thoroughly  united  people  ready  and  willing  to  make  every 
sacrifice,  and  submit  to  any  privation  for  the  establishment  of 
their  independence. 

"  The  emperor  replied  that  he  was  entirely  satisfied  of  the  cor 
rectness  of  all  that  I  said  ;  that  he  had  no  scruple  in  declaring 
that  his  sympathies  were  entirely  with  the  South  ;  that  his  only 
desire  was  to  know  how  to  give  them  effect ;  that  the  condition 
of  affairs  in  Europe  was  very  unsatisfactory,  especially  in  Italy 
and  Greece  ;  that  he  was  obliged  to  act  with  great  caution,  and 
intimated  that  if  he  acted  alone,  England,  instead  of  following  his 
example,  would  endeavor  to  embroil  him  with  the  United  States, 
and  that  French  commerce  would  be  destroyed.    He  asked  what 
were  my  views.     I  said  that  I  had  no  hope  of  any  friendly  action 
from  England,  until  the  time  should  arrive  when  it  would  become 
a  matter  of  indifference  to  us ;  that  all  we  asked  for  was  recogni 
tion,  satisfied  that  the  moral  effect  of  such  a  step,  by  giving  confi 
dence  to  the  peace  party  at  the  North,  would  exercise  influence ; 
that  if  it  had  been  taken  a  few  months  since,  it  would  have  se 
cured  the  election  of  a  majority  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
opposed  to  the  war.     That  recognition  would  not  afford,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world,  the  slightest  pretext  for  hostilities  on  the  part 
of  the  North ;  that  there  were,  however,  stronger  reasons  that 
would  bind  them  to  keep  the  peace— their  mercantile  tonnage 
was  infinitely  larger  than  that  of  France,  and  that  in  the  same 
proportion  would  be  their  losses  at  sea  ;  that  their  navy,  of  which 
they  boasted  so  loudly,  would  be  swept  from  the  ocean,  and  all 
their  principal  ports  efficiently  blockaded  by  a  moiety  of  his  pow 
erful  marine,  and  that  the  Oloire  or  the  Normandie  could  enter 
without  risk  the  harbors  of  New  York  and  Boston,  and  lay  those 
cities  under  contribution.     I  told  him  the  condition  of  Fort  War 
ren,  manned  by  raw  militia ;  that  the  ports  of  New  York  would 
not  be  better  defended,  as  they  were  only  garrisoned  by  new  lev 
ies,  who  so  soon  as  they  had  been  drilled  for  a  few  weeks  were 
sent  to  the  armies  in  the  field  and  replaced  by  fresh  recruits  ;  and 
that,  above  all,  the  energies  and  resources  of  the  North  were 
already  tasked  to  their  utmost  by  the  war  in  which  they  were 
engaged,  and  that  mad  and  stupid  as  the  Washington  govern 
ment  had  shown  itself  to  be,  it  still  had  sense  enough  not  to  seek 
a  quarrel  with  the  first  power  of  the  world.  .V'i 


128     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

"  The  emperor  asked,  *  What  do  you  think  of  the  joint  mediation 
of  France,  England,  and  Russia?  "Would  it,  if  proposed,  be  ac 
cepted  by  the  two  parties  ?'  I  replied,  that  some  months  since  I 
would  have  said  that  the  North  would  unhesitatingly  reject  it, 
but  that  now  it  would  probably  accept  it ;  that  I  could  not  ven 
ture  to  say  how  it  would  be  received  at  Richmond.  I  could  only 
give  him  my  individual  opinion.  I  had  no  faith  in  England,  and 
believed  that  Russia  would  lean  strongly  to  the  Northern  side  ; 
that  the  mediation  of  the  three  Powers,  where  France  could  be 
outvoted,  would  not  be  acceptable  ;  that  we  might,  perhaps,  with 
certain  assurances,  consent  to  the  joint  mediation  of  France  and 
England,  but  knowing,  as  I  did,  tJie  emperor's  sentiments,  I  would 
gladly  submit  to  his  umpirage. 

"  The  emperor  said,  'My  own  preference  is  for  a  proposition  of 
an  armistice  of  six  months,  with  the  Southern  ports  open  to  the 
commerce  of  the  world  ;  this  would  put  a  stop  to  the  effusion  of 
blood,  and  hostilities  would,  probably,  never  be  resumed.  We 
can  urge  it  on  the  high  grounds  of  humanity  and  the  interest  of 
the  whole  civilized  world  ;  if  it  be  refused  by  the  North,  it  will 
afford  good  reason  for  recognition,  and,  perhaps,  for  more  active 
intervention.'  I  said  that  such  a  course  would  be  judicious  and 
acceptable  ;  indeed,  it  was  one  that  I  had  suggested  to  Mr. 
Thouvenel,  when  I  first  saw  him  in  February  last.  That  I 
feared,  however,  he  would  find  it  as  difficult  to  obtain  the  co 
operation  of  England  for  it  as  for  recognition.  He  said  that  he 
had  reason  to  suppose  the  contrary;  that  he  had  a  letter  from  the 
King  of  the  Belgians  which  he  would  show  me.  He  did  so  ;  it 
was  an  autograph  letter  from  King  Leopold  to  the  emperor,  dated 
Brussels,  15th  October ;  the  date  is  important,  as  Queen  Victoria 
was  then  at  Brussels.  The  king  urges,  in  the  warmest  manner, 
for  the  cause  of  humanity  and  in  the  interests  of  the  suffering 
populations  of  Europe,  that  prompt  and  strenuous  efforts  should 
be  made  by  France,  England,  and  Russia  to  put  an  end  to  the 
bloody  war  that  now  desolates  America.  He  expresses  his  per 
fect  conviction  that  all  attempts  to  reconstruct  the  union  of  the 
United  States  are  hopeless,  that  final  separation  is  an  accom 
plished  fact,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  great  powers  so  to  treat 
it ;  that  recognition,  or  any  other  course  that  might  be  thought 
best  calculated  to  bring  about  a  peace,  should  be  at  once  adopted. 
The  appeal  is  made  with  great  earnestness  to  the  emperor  to 


WHY  THOUVENEL  RESIGNED.  129 

bring  the  whole  weight  of  his  great  name  and  authority  to  bear 
on  the  most  important  question  of  his  day.  It  is  universally  be 
lieved  that  King  Leopold's  counsels  have  more  influence  with 
Queen  Victoria  than  those  of  any  living  man ;  that  in  this  re 
spect  he  has  inherited  the  succession  of  the  late  Prince  Consort. 

"I  repeated  to  the  emperor  what  I  had  said  to  Mr.  Drouyn  de 
Lhuys,  of  the  assertions  of  Lord  Cowley  and  others,  that  no  inti 
mation  of  his  wishes  and  views  on  the  question  had  been  made 
to  the  British  government.  He  smiled  and  said  that  he  supposed 
that  it  was  in  accordance  with  diplomatic  usages  to  consider 
nothing  to  exist  that  had  not  been  formally  written ;  that  Mr. 
Thouvenel  must  have  spoken  to  Lord  Cowley,  and  intimated 
that  perhaps  Mr.  T.  might  not  have  endeavored  to  impress  Lord 
Cowley  with  the  idea  that  he  was  much  in  earnest.  I  have  had 
strong  suspicion  on  this  score  for  some  time  past,  and  am 
inclined  to  think  that  the  feeling  that  Mr.  Thouvenel  did  not 
fairly  represent  his  views  on  this,  as  well  as  on  the  Italian  ques 
tion,  may  have  had  some  influence  on  the  decision  of  the  emperor 
to  dispense  with  the  services  of  Mr.  Thouvenel  as  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs ;  it  is  very  certain  that  his  resignation  was  in 
vited  by  the  emperor. 

"  The  emperor  asked  why  we  had  not  created  a  navy  ;  he  said 
that  we  ought  to  have  one  ;  that  a  few  ships  would  have  inflicted 
fatal  injury  on  the  Federal  commerce,  and  that  with  three  or 
four  powerful  steamers  we  could  have  opened  some  of  our  ports. 
I  replied  that,  at  first  many  of  our  leading  men  thought  it  would 
be  bad  policy  to  attempt  to  become  a  naval  power,  as  we  had 
no  good  ports  for  large  vessels  but  Norfolk  and  Pensacola,  few 
seamen,  and  an  inconsiderable  mercantile  marine  ;  that  we  would 
always  be  essentially  an  agricultural  people,  selling  freely  to  all 
the  world  and  buying  in  the  cheapest  markets  ;  we  could  rely 
on  our  peaceful  disposition  to  preserve  us  from  collisions  with 
European  powers,  while  at  the  same  time  it  would  be  the  inter 
est  of  those  powers  to  prevent  our  only  probable  enemies  from 
abusing  their  superiority  over  us  at  sea  ;  that  we  all  now  saw 
our  error  and  were  endeavoring  to  correct  it,  that  we  had  built 
two  vessels  in  England,  and  were  now  building  others — 'two  of 
which  would  be  powerful  iron  clad  steamers  ;  that  the  great  dif 
ficulty  was  not  to  build,  but  to  man  and  arm  them,  under  the 
existing  regulations  for  the  preservation  of  neutrality ;  that  if 
G* 


130     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

the  emperor  would  give  only  some  kind  of  verbal  assurance  that  his 
police  would  not  observe  too  closely  when  we  wished  to  put  on  board 
guns  and  men,  we  would  gladly  avail  ourselves  of  it. 

"He  said,  '  Why  could  you  not  have  them  built  as  for  the  Italian 
government?  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  difficult,  but  I  will  consult 
the  Minister  of  Marine  about  it: 

"I  forgot  to  mention  that  King  Leopold,  in.  his  letter,  spoke 
of  his  wishes  for  the  success  of  the  French  arms  in  Mexico,  and 
the  establishment  under  their  protection  of  a  stable  and  regular 
government.  This  gave  me  an  opportunity  of  alluding  to  the 
propositions  I  had  made  at  Vichy,  and  to  hold  out  the  advan 
tages  which  would  result  to  France  from  a  cordial  and  close  alli 
ance  between  the  two  countries,  not  so  much  depending  on 
treaties  and  mere  paper  bonds  as  resulting  from  mutual  interests 
and  common  sympathies.  An  idea  prevails  among  some  of  the 
officers  who  have  gone  to  Mexico,  that  as  troops  and  ships  have 
been  sent  there  on  a  scale  vastly  greater  than  the  apparent  ob 
jects  of  the  expedition  require,  that  the  emperor  has  some  ulte 
rior  views,  perhaps  to  occupy  the  old  French  colony  of  St.  Do 
mingo,  as  Spain  has  done  for  the  eastern  portion  of  the  island. 
/  took  occasion  to  say  to  tlie  emperor  that,  however  distasteful  such 
a  measure  might  be  to  tlie  Washington  government,  ours  could  Jiave 
no  objection  to  it. 

"While  the  question  of  recognition  was  the  topic  of  conver 
sation,  the  emperor  said  that  he  had  seen  a  letter  from  a  New- 
Yorker  which  he  wished  me  to  read,  to  have  my  opinion  of  the 
correctness  of  the  views  it  expressed.  It  was  a  letter  that  I  had 
previously  seen — it  being  addressed  to  Mr.  Lindsay,  M.P.,  who 
consulted  me  about  the  propriety  of  placing  it  before  the  em 
peror,  as  he  had  already  done  with  Earl  Russell.  At  my  instance 
Mr.  Lindsay  handed  it  to  Mr.  Michel  Chevalier,  a  senator  stand 
ing  high  in  the  emperor's  confidence.  The  letter  purported  to 
be  the  expression  of  the  opinion  of  many  leading  Democrats,  that 
recognition  of  the  South  would  soon  bring  the  war  to  a  close. 
As  the  writer  was  well  known  to  me  as  a  man  of  high  character 
and  intelligence,  I  assured  the  emperor  that  he  might  confidently 
rely  on  the  fairness  and  accuracy  of  his  statements.  In  the  same 
connection  the  emperor  spoke  of  an  article  in  a  Richmond  paper 
which  had  attracted  his  attention,  and  which  he  said  had  pro 
duced  some  impression  on  his  mind.  It  was  an  article  from  the 


THE  EMPEROR  AND  SLIDELL.  131 

Dispatch,  I  think,  and  which  has  gone  the  rounds  of  most  of  the 
European  papers,  especially  those  friendly  to  the  North.  It 
deprecates  recognition  as  tending  only  to  irritate  the  people  of 
the  North,  and  to  stimulate  to  increased  exertion,  while  it  would 
be  of  no  service  to  the  South.  I  have  been  more  than  once  sur 
prised  to  hear  this  article  referred  to  in  conversation  by  intelli 
gent  persons  well  disposed  towards  our  cause  on  whom  it  seemed 
also  to  have  had  some  effect.  I  told  the  emperor  that  there  were 
at  least  five,  perhaps  more,  daily  papers  published  in  Richmond, 
and  that,  if  my  recollections  were  correct,  it  was  the  one  that  had 
the  least  influence  ;  that  the  article  was  but  the  expression  of 
the  individual  opinion  of  an  anonymous  writer  who,  in  all  prob 
ability,  if  he  were  known,  would  prove  to  be  a  man  without  the 
slightest  position,  social  or  political. 

"The  emperor  inquired  particularly  about  the  character  of 
Generals  Lee,  Johnston,  and  '  Stonewall '  Jackson,  and  expressed 
his  admiration  of  the  recent  march  of  Stuart's  cavalry  into  Penn 
sylvania,  crossing  the  Potomac  at  Hancock  and  recrossing  below 
Harper's  Ferry.  He  asked  me  to  trace  the  route  on  the  map,  and 
was  astonished  at  the  boldness  and  success  of  the  enterprise.  He 
expressed  his  surprise  at  the  large  number  of  killed  and  wounded 
in  various  battles,  and  asked  if  the  accounts  were  not  exagger 
ated.  I  said  that,  so  far  as  the  enemy  were  concerned,  they 
were,  on  the  contrary,  systematically  very  much  understated  ; 
that  as  they  had  acknowledged  a  loss  of  more  than  fourteen  thou 
sand  in  the  Maryland  battles,  there  was  every  ground  for  believ 
ing  that  it  was  nearer  twenty-five  thousand.  He  remarked, '  Why, 
this  is  a  frightful  carnage  ;  we  had  but  twelve  thousand  hors  de 
combat  at  Magenta.'  'But/  I  replied,  'Solferino  and  Magenta 
produced  decisive  results,  while  with  us  successive  victories  do 
not  appear  to  bring  us  any  nearer  to  the  termination  of  the 
war.' 

"He  asked  how  the  Northern  Congressional  elections  would 
probably  turn  out,  and  what  would  be  the  effect  of  the  success 
of  the  Democratic  party.  I  said  that  appearances  indicated  that 
the  Democrats  would  probabty  have  a  majority  in  two  or  three 
states,  but  that,  in  my  opinion,  such  partial  success  would  exer 
cise  little  if  any  influence  on  the  course  of  the  Lincoln  govern 
ment. 

"I  omitted  to  mention  in  the  proper  connection  that  the  em- 


132     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

peror  said  that  he  had  very  recently  seen  Lord  Cowley,  in  a  man 
ner  to  have  me  to  infer  that  he  had  then  communicated  his 
views  respecting  American  affairs. 

"The  emperor  recalling,  I  presume,  what  I  had  said  in  the 
memorandum  submitted  to  him  through  M.  de  Persigny,  of 
•which  I  sent  a  copy  in  my  No.  13,  asked  if  \ve  should  not  be 
probably  exposed  to  serious  losses,  when  the  Western  rivers 
should  be  again  navigable.  I  said  that  we  undoubtedly  would, 
that  action  by  France  now  would  save  innumerable  lives  and 
entitle  him  to  the  gratitude  of  the  world  ;  that  such  an  opportu 
nity  to  serve  the  cause  of  humanity  and  civilization  would  never 
again  present  itself. 

"I  have  thus  endeavored  to  give  the  outlines  of  an  interview 
which  lasted  one  hour.  Something  has,  perhaps,  escaped  my 
recollection,  and  the  order  of  the  conversation  has  not  been 
strictly  followed,  but  you  may  rely  on  the  substantial  correct 
ness  of  my  summary. 

"The  whole  interview  was,  as  well  in  manner  as  in  substance, 
highly  gratifying.  On  taking  leave  the  emperor  again  shook 
hands.  I  mention  this  fact,  which  would  appear  trivial  to  per 
sons  not  familiar  with  European  usages  and  manners,  because 
it  afforded  additional  evidence  of  the  kindly  feeling  manifested 
in  his  conversation,  which,  by  the  way,  was  conducted  entirely 
in  English.  J.  S." 

This  interview  was  much  like  the  last,  except  that, 
on  separating,  the  emperor  shook  the  commissioner's 
hand,  a  circumstance  likely — he  informs  Secretary 
Benjamin — to  be  undervalued  by  persons  not  famil 
iar  with  European  usages  and  manners.  The  sub 
ject  of  building  steamers  for  the  Confederates  in 
France  was  introduced,  and  with  that  perfect  free 
dom  from  all  popular  prejudice,  and  any  inconven 
ient  respect  for  the  law  or  plighted  faith,  which 
might  be  expected  in  two  cracksmen  plotting  a 
burglary,  the  commissioner  invited  the  emperor  not 
to  watch  the  Confederates  too  closely,  and  the  em- 


SLIDELL  AND  MOCQUARD.  133 

peror  suggested  that,  if  they  would  pretend  the  ships 
were  building  for  the  Italian  government,  he  would 
not.  It  deserves  to  be  remarked,  however,  that  in 
this,  his  first  allusion  to  the  ship-building  scheme, 
he  assumes  that  it  is  to  be  executed  in  a  way  not 
to  compromise  his  government.  "  Why  could  you 
not  have  them  built  as  for  the  Italian  government," 
was  his  only  suggestion. 

This  was  as  distinct  a  caution  as  any  cool-headed 
man  would  have  required,  but  it  seems  to  have 
made  no  impression  upon  Slidell,  for,  in  January 
following,  he  writes  as  follows  to  Benjamin : 

SLIDELL  TO  BENJAMIN. 

"PARIS,  January  11,  18G3. 
"HoN.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State,  Richmond  : — 

"Sir,— 

******** 

"At  an  interview  which  I  had  with  Mr.  Mocquard,  the  em 
peror's  private  secretary  and  confidential  friend,  on  the  31st  ul' 
timo,  I  mentioned  that  I  had  received  a  despatch  explanatory  of 
the  action  of  my  government  in  these  cases,  and,  at  his  request, 
I  sent  him  extracts  of  your  No.  7  and  copies  of  the  documents 
accompanying  them  to  be  presented  by  him  to  the  emperor.  I 
also  referred  to  the  conversation  I  had  had  with  the  emperor  at 
St.  Cloud  in  relation  to  the  building  of  ships-of-war  in  French 
ports,  to  the  emperor's  promise  to  consult  the  Minister  of  Marine 
on  the  subject,  and  asked  him  to  remind  the  emperor  of  his  prom 
ise  and  to  ascertain  the  result.  I  again  saw  Mr.  Mocquard  at  his 
own  request  on  the  4th  instant,  when  he  informed  me  that  the 
emperor,  after  having  consulted  one  of  his  ministers,  found 
greater  difficulties  in  the  matter  than  lie  had  anticipated,  and  that 
for  the  present,  at  least,  he  could  not  give  any  encouragement.* 

"But,  on  the  7th  instant,  I  had  a  visit  from  Mr. Arman,  a  mem- 

*The  dismissal  of  the  French  consular  agents  at  Richmond 
Jiml  Galvcston. 


134     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

ber  of  the  Corps  Legislatif ,  and  the  largest  ship-builder  in  France. 
He  came  to  offer  to  build  iron-clad  steamers.  He  said  there 
would  be  no  difficulty  in  arming  and  equipping  them;  that  he 
spoke  from  authority;  that  if  anything  were  done  it  should  be 
known  only  to  himself  and  me.  I  had  heard  him  spoken  of  as  a 
man  whom  the  emperor  consulted  about  all  naval  matters,  and 
who  enjoyed  his  confidence.  I  feel  sure  he  came  to  me  at  the 
emperor's  instance.  I  said  to  him  that  at  the  moment  I  could 
give  him  no  definite  answer,  the  financial  question  was  first  to  be 
considered ;  that  I  was  expecting  daily  to  hear  the  result  of  cer 
tain  propositions  made  by  European  bankers  to  our  government 
for  a  loan,  and  suggested  that  eome  arrangement  might  perhaps 
be  made  for  payments  in  cotton.  He  thought  that  mode  of  pay 
ment  might  be  acceptable  if  the  emperor  would  let  it  be  under 
stood  that  he  favored  the  negotiation  of  cotton  bonds. 

******** 

"I  am,  with  great  respect, 

"Your  obedient  servant,  JOHN  SLIDELL." 

Though  again  indirectly,  but  authoritatively,  as 
sured  that  the  emperor  found  greater  difficulties  in 
the  matter  than  he  had  anticipated,  and  that  for 
the  present,  at  least,  he  could  not  give  any  encour 
agement,  Slidell  was  willing  to  accept  more  en 
couraging  assurances  from  the  man  of  all  others  in 
France  having  the  greatest  pecuniary  interest  to 
deceive  him.  The  next  interview  between  the  high 
concocting  parties  took  place  at  the  Tuileries  in 
June,  1863,  and  after  the  contracts  for  the  ships 
had  been  signed. 


CHAPTER  XL 

The  Emperor's  Reasons  for  Refusing  to  Recognize  the  Confeder 
ate  Slates.— Sliddl  Offers  to  Pledge  the  Confederate  States  to 
Guarantee  Cuba  to  Spain. — The  Emperor  Preferred  having 
the  Whigs  in  Power  in  England  to  the  Tories.  —  Refuses  to 
Guarantee  the  Exit  of  the  Confederate  Steamers  unless  their 
Destination  was  Concealed. — Roebuck's  Proposal  to  Interview 
the  Emperor. — The  Emperor  Orders  SlideWs  Son  to  he  Received 
as  a  Pupil  at  St.  Cyr. 

SLIDELL'S  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  THIRD  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE 
EMPEROR. 

"Memorandum  of  an  interview  with  the  emperor  at  the  Tuil- 
cries,  Thursday,  June  18,  1863 : 

"On  "Wednesday  I  received  from  the  Duke  de  Bassano,  First 
Chamberlain,  a  note  informing  me  that  the  emperor  would  re 
ceive  me  at  the  Tuileries  on  the  following  day  at  ten  o'clock. 
The  emperor  received  me  with  great  cordiality.  He  said  that  he 
had  read  the  memorandum  presented  to  him  by  the  Count  de 
Persigny  (copy  of  which  accompanied  my  despatch  No.  37); 
that  he  was  more  fully  convinced  than  ever  of  the  propriety  of 
the  general  recognition  by  the  European  powers  of  the  Confederate 
States,  but  that  the  commerce  of  France  and  the  success  of  the 
Mexican  expedition  would  be  jeopardized  by  a  rupture  with  the 
United  States;  that  no  other  power  than  England  possessed  a 
sufficient  navy  to  give  him  efficient  aid  in  war  on  the  ocean,  an 
event  which,  indeed,  could  not  be  anticipated,  if  England  would 
co-operate  with  him  in  recognition. 

"I  replied  that  I  was  well  satisfied  that  recognition  by  France 
and  other  Continental  powers,  or  even  by  France  alone,  would 
not  lead  to  a  war  with  the  United  States,  as  they  already  found 
ample  occupation  for  all  their  energies  at  home;  that  he  could 


136     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

count  on  the  co-operation  of  Spain,  Austria,  Prussia,  Belgium, 
Holland,  Sweden,  and  Denmark.  He  remarked  that  none  of 
those  powers  possessed  a  navy  of  any  consequence.  I  sug 
gested  that  Spain  had  a  very  respectable  navy  and  was  daily  in 
creasing  it.  I  adverted  to  the  instructions  in  your  despatch  No. 
16,  of  the  9th  of  May,  and  that  I  was  authorized  to  give  the  ad 
hesion  of  my  government  to  the  tripartite  treaty  for  the  guaran 
tee  of  Cuba  to  Spain ;  and  I  thought  it  was  probable  that  such 
an  adhesion  might  induce  Spain,  if  assured  in  advance  of  the 
concurrence  of  France,  to  take  the  initiative  of  our  recognition. 
Would  the  emperor  be  willing  to  give  such  an  assurance  ?  Pie 
said  he  would.  I  asked,  will  the  emperor  authorize  me  to  say 
so  to  the  Spanish  Ambassador,  Mr.  Isturilz,  to  whom  I  had  al 
ready  communicated  the  substance  of  my  instructions.  He  re 
plied  that  he  was  willing  that  I  should  do  so.  I  then  spoke  to 
the  emperor  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Roebuck,  of  which  I  asked  his 
permission  to  read  some  extracts.  He  assented.  I  asked  him  if 
I  might  be  permitted  to  deny  on  his  authority  the  correctness  of 
the  rumor  of  which  Mr.  Seymour  Fitzgerald  had  spoken  to  Mr. 
Roebuck.  He  said  that  I  might  give  it  an  unqualified  denial. 

"  I  then  inquired  if  it  would  be  agreeable  to  him  to  see  Messrs. 
Roebuck  and  Lindsay,  and  if  I  might  so  inform  them.  He  said 
that  he  would  be  pleased  to  converse  with  them  on  the  subject 
of  Mr.  Roebuck's  motion,  and  that  I  might  write  to  that  effect. 
He,  however,  after  a  little  reflection,  added,  *  I  think  that  I  can 
do  something  better;  make  a  direct  proposition  to  England  for 
joint  recognition.  This  will  effectually  prevent  Lord  Palrner- 
ston  from  misrepresenting  my  position  and  wishes  on  the  Ameri 
can  question.'  He  said,  'I  shall  bring  the  question  before  the 
cabinet  meeting  to-day,  and  if  it  should  be  decided  not  to  make 
the  proposition  now,  I  will  let  you  know  in  a  day  or  two  through 
Mr.  Mocquard,  and  what  to  say  to  Mr.  Roebuck.' 

"I  then  said  it  may,  perhaps,  be  an  indiscretion  to  ask  whether 
your  majesty  prefers  to  see  the  Whigs  or  Tories  in  jowerin 
England,  and  he  said,  '  I  rather  prefer  the  Whigs/  I  remarked 
that  Lord  Malmesbury  would  under  a  conservative  administra 
tion  probably  be  the  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  that  I 
had  always  understood  that  intimate  relations  existed  between 
the  emperor  and  him.  He  said,  'That  is  true;  personally  we 
are  excellent  friends,  but  personal  relations  have  very  little  influ- 


THE  EMPEROR  AND  SLIDELL.  137 

ence  in  great  affairs  where  party  interests  are  involved.'  He 
playfully  remarked,  '  The  Tories  are  very  good  friends  of  mine 
when  in  a  minorit}',  but  their  tone  changes  very  much  when 
they  get  into  power.' 

"He  then  spoke  of  the  different  spirit  in  which  the  news  of 
the  fall  of  Puebla  had  been  received  North  and  South  ;  that  the 
Northern  papers  showed  their  disappointment  and  hostility, 
while  Richmond  had  been  illuminated  on  the  occasion.  This  is 
reported  by  the  newspapers.  I,  of  course,  did  not  express  any 
doubt  of  the  fact,  although  I  considered  it  somewhat  apocryphal. 
I  said  that  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  the  bitterness  of  the 
Northern  people  at  the  success  of  his  arms  in  Mexico,  while  all 
our  s}7mpathies  were  with  France,  and  urged  the  importance  of 
securing  the  lasting  gratitude  and  attachment  of  a  people  already 
so  well  disposed ;  that  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  our  Con 
federacy  was  to  be  the  strongest  power  of  the  American  con 
tinent,  and  that  our  alliance  was  worth  cultivating.  He  said  that 
he  was  quite  convinced  of  the  fact,  and  spoke  with  great  admira 
tion  of  the  bravery  of  our  troops,  the  skill  of  our  generals,  and 
the  devotion  of  our  people.  He  expressed  his  regret  at  the  death 
of  Stonewall  Jackson,  whom  he  considered  as  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  men  of  the  age. 

"I  expressed  my  thanks  to  him  for  his  sanction  of  the  con 
tracts  made  for  the  building  of  four  ships-of-war  at  Bordeaux 
and  Nantes.  I  then  informed  him  that  we  were  prepared  to  build 
several  iron-clad  ships-of-war,  and  that  it  only  required  his  ver 
bal  assurance  that  they  would  be  allowed  to  proceed  to  sea  under 
the  Confederate  flag  to  enter  into  contracts  for  that  purpose. 
He  said  that  we  might  build  the  ships,  but  it  would  be  necessary 
that  their  destination  should  be  concealed.  I  replied  that  the  per 
mission  to  build,  equip,  and  proceed  to  sea  would  be  no  viola 
tion  of  neutrality,  and  invoked  the  precedent  of  a  ship  built  for 
the  Chilian  government  under  the  circumstances  mentioned  in 
my  despatch  No.  32,  of  April  20.  The  emperor  remarked  that 
tJiere  was  a  distinction  to  be  drawn  between  that  case  and  what  1 
desired  to  do.  Chili  was  a  government  recognized  by  France. 

"The  conversation  then  closed.  The  audience  was  shorter 
than  the  two  previous  occasions  of  my  seeing  the  emperor.  It 
lasted  half  an  hour,  but  I  did  not  think  it  discreet  again  to  go 
over  the  ground  covered  by  my  note,  and  the  points  discussed 


138     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

in  the  former  interviews,  although  they  were  occasionally  brought 
into  the  conversation.  I  give  below  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  Mr. 
Roebuck.  In  reading  it  to  the  emperor,  I  omitted  the  portion 
underscored."  * 

There  was  certainly  no  ambiguity  about  the  em 
peror's  language  at  this  interview.  He  was  willing 

*  Copy  of  a  letter  from  I.  A.  Roebuck,  M.P.,  to  W.  S.  Lind 
say,  M.  P.: 

"  June  13,  1863. 

"  My  dear  Lindsay, — Seymour  Fitzgerald  said  to  me  last  night 
that  it  was  rumored  that  the  French  emperor  at  the  present  time 
thought  it  would  be  unwise  to  recognize  the  South,  and  that 
Lord  Palinerston  on  the  30th  would  say  that  England  thought 
the  time  for  recognition  had  not  arrived,  that  France  he  could 
state  authoritatively,  thought  so  too,  and  that  therefore  it  was 
quite  clear  that  any  negotiation  about  the  matter  at  the  present 
time  was  utterly  out  of  place  and  impossible.  Now  upon  this 
an  idea  has  come  into  my  head,  and  I  will  explain  it  b}r  a  ques 
tion.  Could  we,  i.  e.,  you  and  I,  do  any  good  by  going  to  Paris 
and  seeing  the  emperor  ?  You  know  that  lam  no  great  admirer 
of  that  great  personage,  but  still  I  am  a  politician,  so  is  he,  and 
politicians  7iave  no  personal  likes  or  dislikes  that  stand  in  the  way 
of  their  political  ends.  I  therefore  would  act  as  if  I  had  feel 
ings  neither  friendly  nor  hostile  to  him,  he  would  do  the  same  as 
regards  myself,  and  therefore  I  have  no  fear  but  that  he  would  lis 
ten  to  all  I  have  to  offer  by  way  of  suggestion  and  advice.  Whether 
he  would  take  that  advice  is  another  thing.  Still  he  would  listen, 
and  good  might  come  of  our  interview.  Think  over  this  propo 
sition  and  give  me  jTour  opinion.  If  we  go,  we  ought  to  go  at 
once.  The  30th  is  not  very  far  off,  and  we  must  soon  decide 
•whether  the  motion  that  stands  in  my  name  shall,  or  shall  not, 
be  brought  on.  The  determination  of  the  French  emperor  will 
have  an  important  bearing  upon  that  question.  I  send  this  letter 
to  Shepperton,  because  I  believe  that  on  Sunday  you  will  be 
there.  If  we  determine  to  go  to  Paris,  we  ought  to  start  on 
Monday  morning.  Yours  very  truly, 

"I.  A.  R. 

"W.S.L.,  Esq.,M.P." 


THE  EMPEROR  AT  THE   RACES.  139 

enough  to  deceive  the  Federals,  but  was  careful  to 
define  the  limits  of  his  engagement  to  the  Confed 
erates,  and  if  they  failed  to  get  their  ships  out,  it 
was  certainly  through  no  violation  of  any  engage 
ment  he  had  made  to  them.  "  You  may  build  the 
ships,"  he  said,  "  but  their  destination  must  be  con 
cealed."  Twelve  days  before  this  conversation  was 
held,  Slidell  had  clothed  Bullock  and  Arman's  con 
tract  for  the  ships  with  his  official  sanction,  and  upon 
the  strength  of  such  sanction  Erlanger,  nine  days  be 
fore,  had  formally  guaranteed  the  price  to  be  paid 
for  them. 

This  was  the  last,  and  these  three  were  the  only 
official  interviews  Slidell  ever  had  with  the  emperor. 
In  1864  they  met  casually  at  the  races,  and  the  em 
peror  spoke  to  him,  but  no  allusion  was  made  to 
steamers.  I  will  give  the  account  of  it  which  Slidell 
sent  to  Benjamin  in  a  private  note,  that  the  reader 
may  know  absolutely  everything  that  ever  passed 
between  him  and  the  emperor  that  he  thought 
worth  reporting : 

SLIDELL'S  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  EMPEROR'S  SPEAKING  TO  HIM  AT 
THE  RACES. 

"PARIS,  Sept.  1864. 
"Hon.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State: — 

"Sir, — I  was  yesterday  at  the  races  of  the  Bois  de  Boulogne, 
\vhere  I  met  the  emperor;  he  recognized  me  at  some  distance, 
and  came  towards  me,  greeting  me  very  cordially  with  a  shake 
of  the  hand.  Pie  inquired  if  I  had  been  well,  and  asked  if  I  had 
received  from  the  Minister  of  War  notice  of  an  order  for  the  ad 
mission  of  my  son  at  St.  Cyr.  I  said  that  I  had  to  thank  him 
very  sincerely  for  his  kindness  in  affording  my  son  an  oppor 
tunity  of  acquiring  a  good  military  education.  He  replied  that  it 
was  quite  unnecessary,  as  he  was  pleased  to  have  an  opportunity 


140     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

of  showing  his  good-will.  I  have  not  before  alluded  to  this  cir 
cumstance  because  an  order  had  not  been  actually  given,  al 
though  the  emperor  had  very  promptly  promised  Mr.  de  Per- 
signy  to  grant  the  permission  on  his  application  made  about  the 
10th  instant,  and  indeed  I  should  not  probably  have  mentioned 
the  matter  officially  had  I  not  had  occasion  to  report  my  conver 
sation  with  the  emperor. 

"  The  emperor,  after  making  inquiries  about  my  family,  asked 
me  what  I  thought  of  our  military  position,  especially  in  Georgia, 
and  of  the  effect  of  the  fall  of  Atlanta.  I  said  I  was  happy  to 
assure  him  that  the  abandonment  of  Atlanta  was  a  much  less 
serious  matter  than  was  generally  supposed  in  Europe,  as  we  had 
removed  all  the  valuable  machinery  and  material  weeks  before 
Sherman  took  possession ;  that  the  only  effect  of  Sherman's  ad 
vance  was  to  increase  the  distance  from  his  base  of  supplies  and 
make  his  communications  more  liable  to  interruption ;  that  I  did 
not  think  it  at  all  improbable  that  we  should  soon  hear  of  his 
falling  back  upon  Chattanooga.  He  asked  if  the  report  of  the  sur 
render  of  Mobile  was  true.  I  said  that  I  was  confident  not  only 
that  the  report  was  premature, but  that  we  should  be  able  to  hold 
Mobile  as  we  had  Charleston.  I  went  on  to  say  that  we  might 
soon  expect  stirring  news  from  the  armies  near  Petersburg,  and 
I  doubted  not  that  Lee  would  give  a  good  account  of  Grant.  He 
expressed  his  admiration  and  astonishment  at  what  he  had 
achieved  against  such  enormous  odds,  and  his  confidence  in  our 
ability  to  maintain  ourselves;  he  spoke  of  the  impossibility  of 
occupying  a  territory  like  ours,  and  his  regret  that  our  many 
victories  had  not  been  followed  by  more  decisive  results.  I  an 
swered  that  this  was  susceptible  of  easy  explanation;  that  we 
were  always  fighting  against  superior  numbers  and  had  no  strong 
reserves  to  follow  up  our  successes;  that  the  troops  that  had  been 
engaged  were  generally  exhausted  by  fatigue;  that  our  great 
battles  had  usually  been  a  series  of  desperate  fighting  for  several 
days,  and  while  we  had  inflicted  much  heavier  losses  on  the 
enemy,  we  had  necessarily  been  much  crippled  ourselves.  Be 
sides,  our  cavalry,  from  the  difficulty  of  renewing  our  stock  of 
horses,  was  much  less  numerous  and  efficient  than  it  had  been, 
and  we  were  unable  to  pursue  and  harass  a  beaten  and  retreating 
enemy  with  such  effect  as  would  be  expected  in  Europe  under 
similar  circumstances. 


THE  EMPEROR  SHAKES  HANDS  AGAIN.  141 

"The  emperor  asked  me  what  were  the  prospects  of  peace.  I 
replied  that  had  the  question  been  put  to  me  ten  days  before  I 
should  have  replied  that  they  were  good;  but  that  the  letter  of 
McClellan  accepting  the  Democratic  nomination  for  the  presi 
dency  had  completely  dissipated  them ;  that  Lincoln  would  prob 
ably  be  re-elected,  and  that  the  war  would  be  continued  until  a 
revolution  should  break  out  in  the  free  states.  I  asked  him  if 
he  had  read  McClellan's  letter;  he  said  that  he  had,  that  it  had 
greatly  disappointed  him,  for  he  had  entertained  strong  hope 
that  the  terrible  conflict  would  soon  be  ended.  He  then  left  me 
with  another  cordial  shake  of  the  hand. 

"A  year  ago  I  should  have  attached  some  important  political 
signification  to  this  incident;  as  it  is  I  merely  consider  it  as  in 
dicating  personal  kind  feeling  towards  the  representatives  of  a 
cause  that  commands  his  respect  and  good  wishes. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  great  respect, 

"Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"JOHN  SLIDELL." 


CHAPTER  XII. 

SlideWs  First  Interview  with  Drouyn  de  Llmys.—  The  Minister 
Declines  to  Express  any  Opinion  about  Recognizing  the  Con 
federate  States. 

Now  let  us  see  what  encouragement  Mr.  Slidell 
received  from  the  emperor's  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs.  On  the  28th  of  October,  he  sent  to  Mr. 
Benjamin  an  account  of  his  first  audience  with 
M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  in  which  the  reader  will  see 
just  about  how  far  that  functionary  was  favorably 
disposed  to  make  the  French  dock-yards  a  base  of 
military  operations  against  the  United  States. 

SLIDELL  TO  BENJAMIN. 

"PAius,  October  28,1862. 
"Hon.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State,  Richmond: — 

"  Sir, — I  had  the  honor  to  address  you  on  the  20th  instant.  I 
send  under  this  cover  despatch  of  the  same  date  on  a  special 
subject. 

"On  the  24th  instant  I  sent  to  Mr.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  succes 
sor  of  Mr.  Thouvenel,  a  note  of  which  you  will  find  a  copy  here 
with,  marked  A,  asking  an  interview.  I  received  the  same  day, 
through  his  secretary,  a  verbal  answer  saying  that  he  would  see 
me  on  Sunday,  26th  instant.  I  accordingly  waited  on  Mr.  Drouyn 
de  Lhuys,  who  received  me  very  kindly.  After  the  customary 
interchange  of  courtesies,  I  said  that  I  had  been  pleased  to  hear 
from  various  quarters  that  I  should  not  have  to  combat  with 
him  the  adverse  sentiments  that  had  been  attributed  to  his  pre 
decessors  in  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  with  what  de- 


SLIDELL  AND   DROUYN  DE  LHUYS.  143 

gree  of  truth  I  did  not  permit  myself  to  appreciate,  and  that  if 
public  rumor  might  be  credited,  he  had  expressed  his  sympathy 
with  the  cause  of  the  Confederate  States. 

"  He  replied  that  he  was  not  aware  of  having  expressed  any 
opinion  on  the  subject;  that  not  having  anticipated  being  called  to 
the  post  he  now  occupied,  he  had  not  given  to  the  American 
question  the  attention  which  it  deserved;  but  he  could  assure 
me  that  he  would  examine  it  carefully,  and  with  the  most  per 
fect  impartiality.  He  invited  me  to  give  my  views.  I  said  that 
I  had  addressed  to  his  predecessor,  the  21st  of  July,  a  letter  in 
which  I  had  set  forth  at  some  length  the  reasons  on  which  I 
then  relied  for  expecting  the  formal  recognition  of  my  govern 
ment,  and  that  as  he  had  informed  me  that  he  had  not  yet  found 
time  to  look  into  the  question,  I  would  briefly  recapitulate  them. 
I  did,  staling  how  much  our  position  had  improved  in  the  mean 
while.  I  then  adverted  to  the  audience  with  which  the  emperor 
had  honored  me  at  Vichy,  the  assurances  I  then  had  that  the 
emperor's  views  and  wishes  were  well  known  to  the  English  gov 
ernment.  I  spoke  of  the  public  declarations  of  Lord  Palmer- 
ston  and  Earl  Russell,  that  the  policy  and  purpose  of  France 
and  England  were  identical  on  American  affairs.  That  this  game 
of  misrepresentation  was  still  kept  up,  although  Mr.  Thouve- 
nel  had  authorized  a  gentleman  high  in  his  confidence  to  say 
to  me  that  he  had  had  serious  conversations,  '  des  pour  parlers 
ires  reels,1  with  the  British  ambassador  on  the  subject.  In  con 
firmation  of  my  assertion,  I  stated  the  following  facts: 

"  1st.  An  English  friend,  who  had  very  recently  passed  the 
day  with  Lord  Cowley  at  Chantilly,  told  me  that  Lord  Cowley 
had  said  without  reserve  or  qualification  that  no  intimation,  writ 
ten  or  verbal,  had  been  made  to  the  British  government  of  the 
views  or  wishes  of  the  emperor  on  the  American  question;  that 
he  believed  it  was  quite  true  the  emperor  had,  to  various  pri 
vate  persons,  expressed  very  freely  his  sympathies  for  the  South, 
but  that  no  notice  could  be  taken  of  such  expressions,  of  which 
the  British  government  was  supposed  to  be  ignorant. 

"3d.  That  I  had  seen,  but  a  few  days  before,  a  letter  from 
a  leading  member  of  the  British  cabinet,  whose  name  I  men 
tioned  confidentially  to  the  minister,  in  which  he  very  plainly 
insinuated  that  France  was  playing  an  unfair  game;  that  she  was 
not  better  disposed  towards  the  South  than  England  was,  and 


144  FRANCE  AND   THE   CONFEDERATE   NAVY. 

only  affected  to  be  so  to  create  unkindly  feeling  towards  Eng 
land.  That  nothing  had  been  said  to  induce  England  to  recog 
nize  the  South  or  to  take  any  other  step  in  relation  to  American 
affairs. 

"3d.  I  had  just  received  a  letter  from  a  gentleman  in  every 
way  reliable,  that  he  had  seen  Mr.  Gladstone  and  several  other 
members  of  the  cabinet,  who  all  said  '  that  it  was  quite  certain 
that  Mr.  Thouvenel  had  not  attempted  at  any  time  to  induce 
their  government  to  move.' 

"Mr.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  said  that  he  had  too  recently  come 
into  office,  and  his  time  had  been  too  much  occupied  by  the 
Italian  question,  to  know  precisely  what  had  been  said  or  done 
by  Mr.  Thouvenel,  but  that  he  was  quite  sure  that  in  some  form 
or  other  the  British  government  had  been  invited  to  act  with 
France  on  the  American  question.  I  then  attempted  to  show 
how  entirely  divergent  were  the  interests  of  France  and  England 
on  the  subject — I  do  not  repeat  these  reasons,  as  I  have  already 
stated  them  in  previous  despatches— and  asked  if,  in  spite  of  this 
divergence,  the  action  of  France  would  always  be  contingent 
on  that  of  England.  He  replied,  tliat  there  icere  wry  grave  ob 
jections  to  acting  witJiout  England,  and  that  lie  did  not  see  how 
they  could  well  be  gotten  over;  that  he  could  not  venture  to  express 
any  distinct  opinion  for  tlie  reason  already  stated,  and  because  he 
was  not  fully  in  possession  of  the  emperor's  views  on  the  subject.  I 
also  showed  him  a  letter  from  a  friend  in  London,  the  same  who 
informed  me  of  Lord  Cowley's  declarations,  dated  24th  October; 
and  as  he  is  very  intimate  with  Lord  Palmerston,  I  give  you  an 
extract  from  it:  'I  have  just  returned  from  Broadlands  (this 
is  Lord  P.'s  country-seat),  and  have  also  seen  several  leading  po 
litical  men  in  town.  My  impression  is  that  little  or  no  progress 
has  been  made  as  regards  your  question.  The  great  majority  of 
the  government  are  clearly  adverse  to  recognition  at  present,  on 
selfish  and  narrow  grounds,  perhaps,  but  on  grounds  they  think 
good.  Gladstone's  individual  expression  of  opinion  goes  for 
very  little.  The  cabinet  meeting  has  been  indefinitely  post 
poned,  because  there  is  no  question  demanding  immediate  dis 
cussion,  especially  in  the  absence  of  the  queen.  I  do  not  think 
that  there  will  be  a  cabinet  for  ten  days  or  a  fortnight,  unless 
something  extraordinary  should  occur.'  I  said  to  Mr.  Drouyn 
tic  Lhuys,  considering  the  source  from  which  it  came,  the  letter 


SLIDELL  AND  DROUYN  DE  LHUYS.  145 

offered  to  my  mind  conclusive  evidence  that  we  had  nothing  to 
expect  from  England.  I  also  read  it  to  the  emperor  to-day.  I 
then  referred  to  the  propositions  I  had  submitted  to  the  emperor 
at  Vichy,  and  repeated  confidentially  in  writing  to  Mr.  Thou- 
venel  on  the  23d  July  last.  He  was  evidently  ignorant  of  their 
purport,  but  they  seemed  to  impress  him  strongly.  I  also  in 
formed  him  of  the  reasons  which  had  induced  me  not  to  press 
his  predecessor  for  an  answer  to  my  letter  of  21st  of  July,  reasons 
which  I  have  communicated  in  a  despatch  preceding. 

"I  said  that  the  emperor  had  accorded  me  the  honor  of  an 
audience  on  the  following  Tuesday,  and  that  I  might,  perhaps, 
have  in  consequence  to  solicit  another  interview. 

"M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  altJwugh  extremely  courteous,  scrupu 
lously  avoided  saying  anything  that  would  indicate  Jiis  personal 
mews  and  feelings,  and  wound  up  by  saying  that  he  would  care 
fully  examine  the  subject  and  consult  the  emperor,  when  he 
would  again  see  me. 

"On  Saturday  M.  de  Persigny  informed  me  that  the  emperor 
would  receive  me  on  the  following  Tuesday.  I  have  just  re 
turned  from  that  interview,  and  have  prepared  a  note  of  the 
conversation,  which  I  annex,  marked  B.* 

"I  am,  with  great  respect,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

SLIDELL." 


*  See  supra,  report  of  the  first  interview  with  the  emperor. 

7 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

SlidelVs  Second  Interview  with  Drouyn  de  Lhuys. — The  Empe 
ror's  Silence  about  American  Affairs  in  his  Address  to  the 
Chambers  Excused.— SlidelVs  Note  to  the  Emperor  Requesting 
him  to  Order  the  Minister  of  Marine  not  to  Interfere  with  the 
Sailing  of  the  Hams  Building  for  the  Confederates. 

IN  Slidell's  account  of  his  second  interview  with 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  which  I  now  submit,  he  quotes 
a  letter  which  he  had  the  assurance  to  address  to 
the  emperor,  asking  him,  in  observance  of  engage 
ments  and  understandings  between  him  and  the 
writer,  to  give  orders  that  the  Minister  of  Marine 
should  not  interfere  in  any  way  to  oppose  the  de 
parture  of  the  rams.  This  letter  was  written  only 
five  months  after  Slidell's  last  official  interview 
with  the  emperor  at  the  Tuileries,  when  he  was 
given  distinctly  to  understand  that  if  any  vessels 
were  built  for  the  Confederates  their  destination 
must  be  concealed. 

SLIDELL  TO  BENJAMIN. 

"PARIS,  November  15, 1863. 
"Hon.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State:— 

"  The  speech  of  the  emperor  addressed  to  the  Chambers  of  the 
5th  instant  has  excited  an  immense  sensation  throughout  Eu 
rope:  it  is  very  differently  interpreted  by  different  persons  and 
in  different  quarters;  by  the  majority  it  is  considered  pacific  in 
its  tone  and  tendencies — the  opinion  of  others,  and  as  I  think  the 


THE  EMPEROR'S  SPEECH.  147 

better  opinion,  is  that  it  foreshadows  a  European  war  at  no  very 
distant  day. 

"You  will  have  observed,  perhaps  with  some  surprise  and 
disappointment,  its  silence  on  the  subject  of  American  affairs. 
This  was  my  first  feeling  on  perusing  it,  but  after  a  more  care 
ful  examination  and  further  reflection  I  did  not  construe  it  so 
unfavorably.  Not  choosing,  however,  to  rely  on  my  own  impres 
sion,  I  at  once  made  inquiries  of  my  friend  at  the  Affaires  Etran- 
geres  and  of  M.  Mocquard,  and  received  the  same  explanation 
from  both.  The  former,  at  my  request,  had  a  conversation  with 
his  chief  on  the  subject.  There  were  two  reasons  for  the  empe 
ror's  reticence: 

"1st.  He  could  not  say  what  he  had  been,  and  was  still  will 
ing  to  do  with  the  co-operation  of  England  without,  by  implica 
tion,  contrasting  his  policy  and  feelings  with  hers,  and  throwing 
upon  her  the  responsibility  of  the  present  condition  of  American 
affairs;  this  he  was  not  willing  to  do,  as  he  desires  scrupulously 
to  avoid  everything  that  would  be  likely  to  produce  at  this  criti 
cal  moment  any  coolness  or  alienation. 

"3d.  As  he  could  not  say  all  that  he  would  desire  to  say  on 
the  subject,  he  preferred  to  say  nothing  rather  than  confine  him 
self  to  banalites,  commonplace  expressions  of  regret  at  the  con 
tinuance  of  the  war  and  fruitless  effusions  of  blood,  etc.  As  to 
this  latter  point  I  am  very  decidedly  of  opinion  that  absolute 
silence  is  more  satisfactory  than  vague,  unmeaning  generalities 
would  have  been.  It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  know— as  well 
as  showing  the  habits  and  mode  of  action  of  so  remarkable  a 
personage  as  illustrating  the  thorough  aristocracy  of  his  govern 
ment,  that  that  address— so  remarkable  and  important  in  every 
way,  was  prepared  without  consultation  with  his  ministers.  On 
the  third  instant  I  called  on  the  Due  de  Morny,  who  had  recent 
ly  returned  to  Paris  after  a  considerable  absence.  He  said  that  he 
knew  nothing  of  what  the  emperor  would  say  in  his  address,  ex 
cepting  that  it  would  be  pacific  in  its  tone,  that  a  cabinet  meet 
ing  would  be  held  the  next  day,  when  the  emperor  would  read 
it  to  his  ministers.  The  duke,  although  not  a  minister,  as  presi 
dent  of  the  Corps  Legislalif,  attends  cabinet  meetings,  especially 
during  the  session  of  the  Chambers.  M.  Mocquard,  the  empe 
ror's  private  secretary,  told  me  a  day  or  two  previous  that  it  had 
not  yet  been  put  on  paper. 


148     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

"I  give  you,  in  cipher,  copy  of  a  note  which  I  addressed  on 
the  6th  instant  to  a  high  personage: 

"  'The  confident  assertions  of  agents  of  the  Washington  gov 
ernment,  and  certain  remarks  made  at  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Af 
fairs  and  Marine,  lead  undersigned  to  apprehend  that  without 
consulting  your  majesty  orders  may  be  given  that  will  interfere 
with  the  completion  and  armament  of  ships-of-war  now  being 
constructed  at  Bordeaux  and  Nantes  for  the  government  of  the 
Confederate  States.  The  undersigned  has  the  most  entire  con 
fidence  that  your  majesty,  being  made  aware  of  the  possibility 
of  such  an  interference,  will  take  the  necessary  step  to  prevent 
it.  The  undersigned  has  no  access  to  the  Minister  of  Marine, 
and  does  not  feel  authorized  to  state  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  the  circumstances  under  which  the  construction  of  these 
ships  was  commenced. 

"  '  He  relies  upon  this  reason  to  excuse  the  liberty  which  he  has 
ventured  to  take  in  addressing  himself  directly  to  your  majesty 
on  a  subject  in  which  are  involved  not  only  vital  interests  of  the 
government  which  he  represents,  but  very  grave  and  delicate 
personal  responsibilities  for  himself. 

"  '  The  undersigned  tenders,  etc.  JOHN  SLIDELL. 

"  '  PARIS,  November  7,  1853.' 

"On  the  following  day  I  received  a  note  from  M.  Drouyn  de 
Lhuys  requesting  me  to  call  on  him  on  the  9th  instant.  As  I 
anticipated,  he  wished  to  see  me  on  the  subject  of  my  note  of 
the  6th  instant,  which  had  been  handed  to  him.  He  at  once  en 
tered  upon  it,  and  seemed  at  first  disposed  to  take  rather  a  high 
tone,  saying  that  what  had  passed  with  the  emperor  was  confiden 
tial;  that  France  could  not  be  forced  into  a  war  by  indirection; 
that  when  prepared  to  act  it  would  be  openly;  and  that  peace 
with  the  North  would  be  jeopardized  on  an  accessory  and  unim 
portant  point,  such  as  the  building  of  one  or  two  vessels;  that 
France  was  bound  by  the  declaration  of  neutrality. 

"I  then  gave  him  a  detailed  history  of  the  affair,  showing 
him  that  the  idea  originated  with  the  emperor,  and  was  carried 
out  not  only  with  his  knowledge  and  approbation,  but  at  his  in 
vitation;  that  it  was  so  far  confidential  that  it  was  not  to  be  com 
municated  but  to  a  few  necessary  persons,  but  could  not  deprive 


SLIDELL'S  UNTRUTHFULNESS.  149 

me  of  the  right  of  invoking,  as  I  did,  an  adherence  to  promises 
which  had  been  given  long  after  the  declaration  of  neutrality. 
I  spoke  very  calmly,  but  very  decidedly.  The  minister's  tone 
changed  completely,  and  I  took  leave  of  him  satisfied  that  the  build 
ers  would  not  be  interfered  with. 

******** 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  the  greatest  respect, 

"Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  servant, 

"JOHN  SLIDELL." 

It  is  difficult  to  say  whether  the  burden  of  the 
letter  here  quoted  as  sent  to  the  emperor,  or  the 
reason  assigned  for  sending  it,  is  the  most  extraor 
dinary.  The  effort  to  hold  the  emperor  to  an  en 
gagement  which  he  knew  the  emperor  had  never 
made  was  one  of  those  bold  procedures  which  even 
desperation  would  hardly  advise.  On  the  7th  of 
November  Slidell  assigns  as  a  justification  for  the 
liberty  he  was  taking,  that  he  did  not  feel  author 
ized  to  state  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  the 
circumstances  under  which  the  construction  of  these 
ships  was  commenced.  Three  days  later  he  tells 
Benjamin  that  he  gave  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Af 
fairs  "a  detailed  history  of  the  affair,  showing  him 
that  the  idea  originated  with  the  emperor  and  was 
carried  out,  not  only  with  his  knowledge  and  ap 
probation,  but  at  his  invitation."  It  is  not  surpris 
ing  that  Slidell  never  had  another  official  interview 
with  the  emperor. 

Now  let  us  see  how  much  better  off  the  com 
missioner  was  for  the  change  which  he  supposed 
he  had  wrought  in  the  minister's  tones. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

SlideWs  Third  Interview  with  Drouyn  de  Lhuys. — Referred  by 
him  to  the  Minister  of  Marine  for  Information  about  the 
Hams. — Rouher  Gives  Assurance  that  the  Rams  may  Leave 
when  Finished. — Drouyn  de  Lhuys  Refuses  Permission  to  Ad 
vertise  the  Confederate  Cotton  Loan  in  France.  —  His  Refusal 
Withdrawn  ly  Order  of  the  Emperor. 

SLIDELL  TO  BENJAMIN. 

"  PARIS,  March  4, 1863. 
"Hon.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State: — 

"Sir, — I  spoke  to  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  of  the  matter  men 
tioned  in  cipher  in  my  No.  23.  He  said  that  it  belonged  rather  to 
the  Minister  of  Commerce  and  Marine;  that  it  was  better  that  he 
should  know  nothing  of  it;  that  he  was  quite  willing  to  close  his 
eyes  until  some  direct  appeal  was  made  to  him. 

"The  minister  was  extremely  cordial,  said  that  he  would  al 
ways  be  happy  to  see  me  whenever  I  desired  it,  but  that  unless 
something  especial  occurred  it  would  be  better  that  I  should 
communicate  through  the  friend  of  whom  I  had  spoken  in  pre 
vious  despatches. 

"He  asked  me  to  send  him  through  that  channel  any  informa 
tion  or  suggestion  that  I  might  desire  to  make.  This  is  a  very 
convenient  and  agreeable  arrangement,  dispensing  with  the  de 
lays  and  formalities  attending  personal  interviews  with  the  min 
ister. 

"On  the  following  day  I  called  by  appointment  on  M.  Rou 
her*  with  M.  Voruz,  deputy  from  Nantes,  of  whom  I  spoke  in 
my  No.  25.  The  express  object  of  the  appointment  was  to  re- 

*  Minister  of  State  and  leader  of  the  Administration  in  the 
Legislative  Chamber. 


THE  COTTON  LOAN  IN  FRANCE.  151 

ceive  from  him  a  distinct  assurance  that  if  we  were  to  build 
ships-of-war  in  French  ports  we  should  be  permitted  to  arm  and 
equip  them  and  proceed  to  sea.  This  assurance  was  given  by 
him,  and  so  soon  as  the  success  of  Erlanger's  loan  is  established 
I  shall  write  to  Messrs.  Maury  and  Bullock,  recommending  them 
to  come  here  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  whether  they  can 
make  satisfactory  contracts. 

"The  partner  of  a  large  banking-house  at  Vienna  recently 
called  to  see  me.  He  says  that  the  Austrian  government  has  some 
very  superior  war  steamers  which  can  be  bought  thoroughly 
armed  and  ready  for  sea,  with  the  exception  of  the  crews.  I 
shall  advise  Mr.  Maury  to  look  at  them. 

"Se ward's  letter  to  Dayton,  rejecting  the  proposition  for  a 
conference,  was  published  two  or  three  days  since.  Its  tone  is 
considered  very  exceptionable,  and  his  boasting  assertions  are 
universally  received  with  ridicule  and  contempt.  I  have  not 
been  able  to  learn  what  impression  it  had  produced  on  the  em 
peror,  but  I  remain  unchanged  in  my  opinion  that  he  will  not 
long  allow  our  question  to  rest  where  it  is. 

"I  send  you  a  copy  of  a  letter  addressed  by  me  to  the  Min 
ister  of  Foreign  Affairs  with  a  copy  of  your  No.  10.  I  am 
obliged  to  you  for  files  of  Richmond  papers.  Until  the  arrival 
of  M.  de  Leon  I  sent  you  regularly  the  Paris  papers,  journals, 
but  have  not  since  done  so,  presuming  that  he  will  have  kept  you 
supplied. 

"I  am  still  without  your  No.  1  of  new  series  and  all  except 
1,  2,  3,  5  of  old  series.  I  hope  that  you  will  send  copies  to  com 
plete  the  files  of  the  commission. 

"In  my  conversation  with  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  I  mentioned 
the  loan  of  Erlanger  &  Co.,  and  invoked  his  good  offices  in 
carrying  it  out,  saying  that  these  gentlemen  considered  it  im 
portant  that  it  should  be  advertised  in  the  Paris  papers,  but  that 
the  advertisement  could  not  be  made  without  the  assent  of  the 
government.  He  expressed  his  wishes  for  the  success  of  the 
loan,  but  thought  that  he  could  not  consent  to  the  advertise 
ment,  that  the  object  could  be  equally  well  attained  by  cir 
culars,  etc.,  while  advertisements  would  excite  unfriendly  com 
ment  and  probably  be  made  the  subject  of  a  protest  from  the 
Federal  Minister. 

"  The  consent  of  the  Minister  of  Finance,  M.  Fould,  had  been 


152     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

obtained,  subject,  however,  to  the  approbation  of  the  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs.  Erlanger  then  brought  the  subject  before 
the  emperor,  who  very  promptly  directed  his  secretary  to  write 
a  note  to  the  minister  requesting  him  to  grant  an  audience  to 
Mr.  Erlanger  on  an  urgent  matter  in  which  he  felt  great  interest. 
"The  result  of  the  audience  was  the  withdrawal  by  M.Drouyn 
de  Lhuys  of  his  objections,  and  the  loan  will  now  be  simultaneous 
ly  advertised  here  and  in  London.  I  mention  this  fact  as  offer 
ing  renewed  evidence  of  the  friendly  feeling  of  the  emperor. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"JonN  SLIDELL." 

It  is  sufficiently  apparent  from  the  tenor  of  his 
conversations  with  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  that  Sli- 
dell  received  from  that  minister  far  less  encourage 
ment  than  from  the  emperor  to  embark  in  the  ship 
building  business.  The  exposure  of  their  conspir 
acy  had  made  it  impossible  for  the  government  to 
countenance  the  scheme,  and  neither  the  minister 
nor  the  sovereign  gave  him  any  reason  to  antici 
pate  a  different  result.  Slidell,  at  length,  began  to 
realize  the  impasse  into  which  he  had  landed  his 
government,  and  seemed  not  unwilling  to  divide 
with  Captain  Bullock  the  responsibility  for  it,  as 
will  appear  in  the  following  despatch  from  Slidell, 
in  which  he  admits  that  the  emperor  never  com 
mitted  himself  to  the  sailing  of  the  iron-clads, 
"  unless  their  destination  could  be  concealed." 

SLIDELL  TO  BENJAMIN. 

"  PARIS,  February  16, 1864 
"  Hon.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State:— 

"^—Commander  Maury,  C.  S.  K,  being  despatched  by 
Commodore  Barren  to  Richmond,  I  avail  myself  of  so  favorable 
an  occasion  to  speak  more  fully  of  matters  to  which  I  had  in 
previous  despatches  but  briefly  and  cautiously  alluded. 


SLIDELL  ON  THE  RETREAT.  153 

"Lieutenant  Whittle,  "who  was  sent  to  the  Confederacy  by 
Captain  Bullock  last  summer,  communicated  to  the  president 
and  Secretary  of  the  Navy  detailed  information  respecting  the 
arrangements  made  for  the  building  of  ships  in  France,  and  the 
extrication  of  two  of  those  then  in  course  of  construction  in 
England  from  anticipated  difficulties. 

"These  arrangements  have  been  seriously  interfered  with  by 
the  felonious  abstraction  of  certain  papers,  as  stated  in  my  No. 
49,  and  it  is  now  asserted  that  by  similar  means  papers  relating 
to  the  ships  in  England  have  come  into  the  possession  of  the 
emissaries  of  the  "Washington  government.  On  this  latter  point 
I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  assertion  is  unfounded,  as  Cap 
tain  Bullock  is  very  confident  that  no  access  could  have  been 
had  to  his  papers,  and  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  in 
other  quarters  equal  vigilance  has  been  observed.  So  far  as  re 
gards  the  corvettes  that  are  being  built  at  Bordeaux  and  Nantes, 
there  is,  unfortunately,  no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  complete  evi 
dence  of  their  ownership  is  in  the  hand  of  Mr.  Dayton,  and  has 
been  by  him  communicated  to  this  government. 

1 '  By  referring  to  the  report  of  my  conversation  with  the  em 
peror  contained  in  my  No.  38,  you  will  find  that  while  fully 
assenting  to  the  arming  and  departure  of  the  corvettes,  he  con 
sented  only  to  the  building  of  iron-clads  for  our  account,  and  did 
not  commit  himself  to  permit  their  sailing  unless  their  destination 
could  be  concealed.  This  in  the  case  of  iron-clads  could  only  be  done 
by  setting  up  an  apparent  ownership  by  some  foreign  government. 
As  to  the  corvettes,  they  were  to  be  represented  as  intended  for 
commercial  purposes  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  China,  etc.  The  con 
tract  for  the  corvettes  was  concluded  only  after  the  official  con 
sent  to  their  armament  and  sailing  was  given  by  the  Minister  of 
Marine,  and  this  was  given  on  the  representation  that  they  were 
intended  for  commercial  purposes,  although  their  real  character 
and  destination  were  fully  known  to  him;  he,  however,  reluct 
antly  signed  the  order  in  obedience  to  superior  authority.  No 
such  authority  was  given  in  case  of  the  iron-clads,  and  I  was 
ignorant  that  any  contract  was  in  contemplation  for  their  construc 
tion  until  after  it  had  been  made.  I  mention  these  facts  not  with 
the  most  remote  idea  of  implying  any  censure  upon  Captain 
Bullock,  but  to  establish  the  distinction  to  be  drawn  between 
the  two  classes  of  vessels,  which  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  in 


154     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

order  to  come  to  a  proper  decision  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued 
in  relation  to  them.  In  the  first  interview  I  had  with  the  Minister 
of  Marine,  on  the  19th  of  November,  consequent  on  my  note  to  the 
emperor  of  the  9th  of  November,  contained  in  my  No.  48,  he 
drew  a  very  broad  line  of  distinction  between  the  corvettes  and 
the  iron-clads,  saying  that  with  proper  precautions  the  former 
might  be  permitted  to  go  to  sea,  but  that  the  iron-clads,  being 
from  their  very  build  fitted  for  warlike  purposes,  their  being  per 
mitted  to  sail  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  Washington 
government  and  in  violation  of  the  emperor's  declaration  of  neu 
trality  would  be  an  overt  act  of  hostility. 

"The  question  now  presents  itself,  what  is  to  be  done  with 
these  vessels?  M.  Annan,  the  builder  of  these  iron-clads,  was 
informed  that  they  will  not  be  permitted  to  go  to  sea,  except  as 
the  property  of  some  non-belligerent  government.  This  was 
before  the  breaking-out  of  hostilities  between  Denmark,  Aus 
tria,  and  Prussia.  Captain  Bullock,  after  consulting  Mr.  Mason, 
Commodore  Barron,  and  me,  determined  to  sell  the  iron-clads. 
They  could  have  been  disposed  of  at  a  considerable  advance  on 
their  cost,  to  Denmark  or  to  Prussia,  but  the  pending  war  may 
put  these  purchasers,  as  belligerents,  out  of  the  market.  Commo 
dore  Barron  and  Captain  Bullock  say  that  the  corvettes  were 
intended  to  act  in  conjunction  with  the  iron-clads  in  raising  the 
blockade  of  our  coasts,  and  this  object  being  no  longer  attain 
able,  and  there  being  few  Federal  merchant  vessels  afloat,  they  are 
disposed  to  sell  the  corvettes,  also,  or  at  least  two  of  them.  I  do 
not  agree  with  them  in  this  view  of  the  case.  Should  we  with 
draw  our  cruisers  the  Federal  flag  would  soon  resume  on  the 
ocean  the  rank  we  have  forced  it  to  abdicate.  We  cannot  expect 
the  Alabama  and  Florida  always  to  avoid  the  pursuit  of  the 
enemy,  and  we  should  be  prepared  to  supply  their  loss;  I  fear 
that  the  IfappaJiannock  will  prove  to  be  as  unfit  for  that  service 
as  the  Georgia,  and  will  not  make  more  than  one  cruise. 

"  In  deciding,  however,  the  question  of  the  disposition  to  be 
made,  a  new  difficulty  presents  itself  which  applies  alike  to  both 
classes.  It  has  been  found  extremely  difficult  to  obtain  en 
gineers  for  the  Georgia  and  Bappahannode,  two  small  vessels, 
and  with  the  increased  vigilance  of  the  English  authorities 
it  "will  hereafter  be  found  almost  impracticable  to  man  sev 
eral  large  vessels.  On  the  other  hand,  a  few  months  may  pro- 


BENJAMIN  SUSPECTS  THE  "HIGH  PERSONAGE."    155 

duce  great  changes  in  our  favor.  I  know  that  the  emperor's 
feelings  are  as  friendly  as  ever,  and  a  new  ministry  in  England 
may  enable  him  to  indulge  them.  The  chapter  of  accidents  is 
always,  in  the  long  run,  fruitful  of  great  and  unexpected  results. 
Perhaps  it  may  be  better  to  go  on  and  complete  the  ships.  There 
is  no  reason  to  apprehend  any  interruption  in  the  work,  and 
there  is  no  danger  whatever  of  losing  them  by  any  proceeding 
similar  to  those  pending  in  England,  as  there  is  no  municipal 
law  prohibiting  the  fitting-out  of  ships-of-war  for  the  belligerent 
powers  with  whom  France  is  at  peace. 

"I  have  given  Captain  Maury  verbal  explanations  respecting 
the  ships  in  England  which  I  have  thought  it  not  prudent  to 
commit  to  paper  even  with  so  safe  a  messenger. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"JOHN  SLIDELL." 

To  this  letter  Mr.  Secretary  Benjamin,  who  al 
ready  realized  that  the  scaffolding  on  which  they 
had  built  their  hopes  was  giving  away,  sent  the 
following  reply : 

BENJAMIN  TO  SLIDELL. 

"DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

RICHMOND,  April  16, 1864. 
"  Hon.  JOHN  SLIDELL,  etc.,  Paris,  France: — 

"Sir, — Your  last  despatch  received  is  No.  56  of  the  16th  of 
February,  which  came  to  hand  on  the  4th  instant.  The  interval 
of  two  months  is  longer  than  has  occurred  for  more  than  a  year 
past,  and  is  regretted  the  more,  as  matters  of  great  interest  to  us 
were  pending,  and  numerous  reports  calculated  to  excite  solici 
tude  as  to  the  present  attitude  of  the  Imperial  government  reach 
us  from  the  Northern  journals.  I  will  not  conceal  from  you  that 
the  President  is  greatly  disappointed  at  the  information  con 
tained  in  your  No.  56.  Grave  doubt  even  is  entertained  of  the 
good  faith  of  the  liigli  personage  by  whose  sanction  and  advice 
we  engaged  in  an  undertaking  which  promised  results  of  the 
greatest  importance.  A  severe  blow  has  been  dealt  us  from  a 
quarter  whence  it  was  least  expected,  and  a  corresponding  revul 
sion  of  feeling  towards  that  personage  has  resulted. 


156     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 


has  written  to  the  officers  charged  with  these 
matters,  that  we  have  concluded  against  the  propriety  of  selling 
any  of  the  vessels  in  progress  of  construction.  I  hope  that  his 
instructions  will  arrive  in  time  to  prevent  the  sale.  Our  conclu 
sion  is,  of  course,  based  on  the  supposition  that  according  to 
French  law  there  is  no  risk  of  the  loss  or  confiscation  of  these 
vessels,  and  that  the  only  hazard  invoiced  in  keeping  them  is,  that 
they  will  not  he  allowed  to  go  to  sea.  We  prefer  in  such  case 
taking  our  chances  of  some  change  of  circumstances  or  policy. 
The  length  of  time  required  for  the  construction  of  iron-dads  in 
particular  is  so  great  that  we  would  be  inexcusable  in  abandon 
ing  all  the  chances  of  future  contingencies  of  getting  back  the 
money  already  expended,  or  avoiding  the  further  expense  of  finish 
ing  them.  It  is  deemed  by  the  President  much  more  prudent  to 
have  the  vessels  promptly  completed  and  ready  for  service  at  any 
moment,  should  the  adverse  influences  which  now  prevail  give 
place  to  other  counsels. 

"  You  will  receive  herewith  a  treasury  draft  for  five  hundred 
pounds  sterling  from  the  fund  at  the  disposal  of  the  department 
for  secret  service,  of  which  no  account  is  to  be  rendered  to  the 
treasury.  Where  you  can  properly  take  vouchers,  they  should 
accompany  the  account  you  will  render  to  this  department  of 
the  expenditure;  for  items  not  susceptible  of  being  vouched,  you 
will  render  a  certificate  on  honor,  of  the  payment. 

"I  have  just  heard  of  the  arrival  at  City  Point  (about  forty 
miles,  I  believe,  below  Richmond)  of  a  French  war  steamer  and 
two  merchantmen,  which  come,  doubtless,  for  the  purpose  of 
taking  the  tobacco  belonging  to  the  Imperial  government,  and 
which  will  be  delivered  in  accordance  with  our  promise. 

"April  18. 

"  Your  No.  57  of  5th  of  March  has  just  come  to  hand.  It  is 
the  duplicate,  the  original  not  yet  received.  The  change  of  tone 
indicated  by  you  as  having  marked  your  interview  with  M. 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  together  with  the  tenor  of  the  remarks  at 
tributed  to  Lord  Palmerston,  seem  to  be  of  some  significance,  but 
we  cannot  attribute  to  them  the  same  importance  as  would  have 
been  attached  to  such  utterances  at  an  early  period  of  the  war. 
It  has  been,  perhaps,  fortunate  for  us,  notwithstanding  the  awful 
price  paid  in  the  blood  of  our  best  and  bravest,  that  European 


SLIDELL  vs.  BULLOCK.  157 

powers  have  remained  so  inconceivably  blind  to  their  own  inter 
ests  in  this  great  struggle.  The  end  is  now  seen  to  be  approach 
ing,  and  we  shall  enter  the  family  of  nations  -with  a  conscious 
ness  that  we  have  achieved  our  own  success,  not  simply  un 
aided  by  sympathy,  but  in  spite  of  the  unfriendly,  and  in 
some  cases  hostile,  attitude  of  the  great  powers  of  Europe.  We 
shall  have  no  favor  to  reciprocate,  but  many  wrongs  to  forget — 
some  perhaps  for  which  to  exact  redress.  I  never  felt  a  more 
thorough  conviction  than  I  now  entertain  that  the  year  1864  will 
witness  our  honorable  welcome  into  the  family  of  nations,  won 
by  the  conclusive  demonstration  of  the  inability  of  the  North  to 
continue  a  contest  in  which  its  resources,  both  of  men  and 
money,  will  have  been  exhausted  in  vain." 

Whether  Captain  Bullock  signed  the  contract 
for  the  iron-clads  without  the  authority  or  approval 
of  Mr.  Slidell  is  a  question  which  I  will  leave  to  be 
settled  by  those  whom  it  may  concern.  I  can,  how 
ever,  make  a  slight  contribution  towards  its  settle 
ment.  On  the  20th  of  April,  1863,  Slidell  addressed 
a  note  to  Benjamin  in  wrhich  the  following  passage 
occurred : 

"  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  memorandum  I  prepared  for  sub 
mission  to  the  emperor.  Captain  Bullock  has  signed  provisional 
contract  for  building  four  steamers  of  the  Alabama  class  on  a 
large  scale.  Contract  to  take  effect  when  assurances  satisfactory 
to  me  are  given  that  the  ships  will  be  allowed  to  leave  French 
ports  armed  and  equipped.  Contractors  confident  that  these 
assurances  will  be  given.  I  shall  probably  know  the  result  in 
time  to  inform  you  by  the  same  conveyance  as  I  employ  for  this 
despatch." 

On  the  18th  of  June  following,  and  before  Slidell 
had  the  expected  interview  with,  or  any  even  con 
ditional  assurances  from  the  emperor,  he  approved 
of  the  contract  which  Bullock  and  Arman  had 
made,  in  the  following  words:  "In  consequence 


158  FRANCE   AND   THE   CONFEDERATE   NAVY. 

of  the  ministerial  authorization  which  you  have 
shown  me  and  which  I  deemed  sufficient^  the  con 
tract  of  the  15th  of  April  becomes  binding."  Noth 
ing  is  here  said  about  Imperial  engagements  to 
let  the  ships  go  out.  The  ministerial  authorization 
is  deemed  sufficient.  If  he  had  never  sanctioned 
the  contract  for  the  iron-clads,  it  seems  not  a  little 
strange  that  the  fact  had  not  cropped  out  before  in 
any  of  his  correspondence ;  and  that  he  should  have 
berated  the  Imperial  government  in  such  vindictive 
terms  for  preventing  their  sailing  under  the  Con 
federate  flag. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Slidell  Advises  against  any  more  Attempts  to  Fit  out  a  Navy 
in  Europe. —  Concludes  that  "the  Weak  have  no  Rights;  the 
Strong  no  Obligations? — Gwin  on  Ms  Way  to  Mexico  with 
an  Autograph  Letter  from  the  Emperor  to  the  French  Com 
mander. — Secretary  Benjamin  Reviews  the  Conduct  of  the 
French  Government. — Slidell  Directed  to  Maintain  "a  Re 
served  Demeanor." 

"WITH  one  more  letter  from  Mr.  Slidell  and  one 
more  letter  from  Mr.  Benjamin  I  close  the  docu 
mentary  history  of  their  connection  with  the  naval 
operations  of  the  Confederate  States  in  France. 

Both  had  gone  out  to  shear,  and  came  home 
shorn.  Both  wished  to  beguile  France  into  the 
trap  they  had  set,  that  should  bring  on  a  war  and 
compel  the  emperor  to  fight  their  battle  for  them, 
and  both  found  themselves  and  not  the  emperor  in 
the  trap.  Of  course  they  felt  that  they  had  been 
brutally  wronged  and  were  very  indignant,  as  peo 
ple  always  are  who  have  been  hoist  by  their  own 
petard. 

SLIDELL  TO  BENJAMIN. 

"PARIS,  June  2,  1864. 
' '  Hon.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State : — 

"  Sir,— I  am  still  without  later  despatches  from  you  than  your 
No.  34,  of  March  28,  although  we  have  Nassau  dates  up  to  9th 
ultimo.  Since  my  last,  the  21st  ultimo,  the  two  corvettes  of 
Bordeaux  have  been  sold  to  the  Prussian  government,  which 


160     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

lias  also  become  the  purchaser  of  the  second  ram,  building  at 
the  same  place.  The  original  owners  of  all  these  vessels  will  be 
reimbursed  for  all  moneys  expended  on  them,  with  interest,  and 
a  small  percentage  of  profit.  They  were  induced  to  take  this 
course  by  a  conviction  of  the  impossibility  of  employing  the 
ships  in  the  manner  first  intended. 

"  The  builders  of  the  two  remaining  corvettes  persist  in  saying 
that  they  will  deliver  them  to  us  at  sea,  but  I  have  been  so  griev 
ously  deceived  and  disappointed  heretofore  that  I  am  far  from 
placing  implicit  reliance  on  their  assurances. 

"  I  am  quite  satisfied  that  no  further  attempts  to  fit  out  ships- 
of-war  in  Europe  should  be  made  at  present,  but  I  am  every  day 
more  and  more  fully  convinced  that  when  the  war  has  ceased 
one  of  our  earliest  cares  should  be  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  re 
spectable  navy. 

"We  must  indulge  in  no  Arcadian  dreams  of  following  un 
disturbed  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  agriculture.  Instead  of  the 
millennium,  which  the  peace  philosophers  pronounced  some  ten 
years  ago  to  have  arrived,  there  has  been  a  series  of  bloody  wars 
culminating  in  the  most  terrific  struggle  which  the  world  has 
ever  witnessed.  The  condition  of  national  existence  now  is  the 
capacity  reached  to  defend  itself  and  to  inflict  injuries  on  others. 
The  weak  have  no  rights;  the  strong  no  obligations.  The  much- 
vaunted  reign  of  public  opinion  throughout  the  world  is  power 
less  to  save  Denmark  from  the  most  lawless  spoliation,  although 
her  integrity  was  guaranteed  by  all  the  great  powers  of  Europe. 
The  justice  of  our  cause,  the  heroism  of  our  troops,  the  devotion 
of  our  people,  while  they  excite  the  sympathy  and  command  the 
admiration  of  Europe,  not  only  have  failed  to  secure  us  any 
friendly  support  from  abroad,  but  even  a  fair  neutrality. 

"The  two  strongest  powers  submit  to  the  insolent  demands  of 
the  Lincoln  government  that  their  commerce  may  be  safe  on  the 
ocean,  and  Mexico  and  Canada  unmolested.  And  wh}T?  Be 
cause  they  have  formed  an  exaggerated  estimate  of  its  capacity 
to  do  mischief. 

"  Ex- Senator  Gwin  is  on  his  way  to  Mexico.  His  object  is  to 
colonize  Sonora  with  persons  of  southern  birth  or  proclivities 
residing  in  California.  lie  bears  an  autograph  letter  from  Louis 
Napoleon  to  the  French  commander-in-chief  warmly  recommend 
ing  his  enterprise. 


BENJAMIN'S  REVIEW.  161 

"His  scheme  has  been  fully  examined  and  approved,  and 
offers,  as  I  believe,  fair  chances  of  success.  If  carried  out,  its 

consequences  will  be  most  beneficial. 

******* 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  the  greatest  respect, 

"  Your  obedient  servant,  JOHN  SLIDELL." 

BENJAMIN  TO  SLIDELL. 

"DEPARTMENT  OP  STATE, 
RICHMOND,  September  20,  1864. 
"Hon.  JOHN  SLIDELL,  etc.,  etc.,  Paris: — 

"Sir, — I  have  made  no  answer  to  your  several  despatches 
posterior  to  No.  63,  because  each  mail  led  us  to  hope  that  the 
next  would  bring  some  definite  solution  to  the  affair  of  the  Rap- 
paliannock,  and  thus  enable  the  President  to  express  his  views 
of  the  action  of  the  French  government  in  this  matter.  The  un 
certainty  is  now  at  an  end,  and  I  have  to  acknowledge  receipt 
of  your  Nos.  64  to  68  inclusive,  the  Nos.  67  and  68  having  reached 
us  on  the  1st  instant. 

"A  re  view  of  the  conduct  of  the  French  government  since  the 
commencement  of  our  national  career  exhibits  the  most  marked 
contrast  between  friendly  professions  and  injurious  acts.  It  may 
not  be  without  utility  here  to  place  on  record  a  series  of  instances 
in  which  that  government  and  its  officers  have  interposed  effec 
tively  to  aid  our  enemies,  while  profuse  in  professions  of  sym 
pathy  for  us. 

"1st.  France  united  with  Great  Britain  in  agreeing  to  respect 
a  paper  blockade  of  our  entire  coast,  with  a  full  knowledge  of  its 
invalidity,  as  since  conceded  to  you  on  more  than  one  occasion. 

"2d.  France  joined  Great  Britain  in  closing  all  its  ports  to 
the  entry  of  prizes  made  by  us,  thus  guaranteeing,  as  far  as  was 
possible  without  open  hostility,  the  vessels  of  our  enemies  from 
becoming  prizes  to  our  cruisers,  and  forcing  us  to  destroy  on  the 
high  seas,  and  thus  lose  the  value  of  all  vessels  captured  from 
our  enemies. 

"3d.  France  has  entertained  during  the  entire  war  the  closest 
amicable  relations  with  our  enemies  as  an  independent  nation. 
It  has,  at  the  same  time,  violated  the  Treaty  of  February  6,  1778, 
the  11  th  article  of  which  guaranteed  to  the  states  of  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  'their  liberty, 


163     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

sovereignty,  and  independence,  absolute  and  unlimited,'  by  per 
sistent  refusal  to  treat  these  states  as  independent,  and  by  coun 
tenancing  the  claim  to  sovereignty  over  them  set  up  by  the  re 
maining  states  that  were  parties  to  that  treaty. 

"4th.  This  government  succeeded  in  introducing  into  the 
roadstead  of  the  Brasses  Santiago  cargoes  of  arms  destined  to 
pass  through  the  neutral  port  of  Matamoras  into  the  Confederacy. 
The  French  naval  officers  seized  these  arms  as  being  intended 
for  the  use  of  the  Mexicans,  in  spite  of  the  most  conclusive  evi 
dence  that  they  were  destined  for  our  defence  against  invasion. 
The  people  of  Texas  being  thus  deprived  of  arms,  the  town  of 
Brownville  and  the  Rio  Grande  frontier  fell  defenceless  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy. 

"5th.  The  agents  of  the  French  government,  after  obtaining 
permission  for  the  export  of  their  tobacco,  under  license  to  pass 
the  blockade,  entered  into  a  convention  with  our  enemy,  so  ob 
jectionable  in  its  character  and  so  derogatory  to  our  rights  as  an 
independent  power  that  we  have  been  forced  to  withdraw  the 
permission. 

"  6th.  This  government  was  indirectly  approached  by  the  Em 
peror  Maximilian  with  proposals  for  the  establishment  of  friendly 
relations.  The  Emperor  of  the  French  is  well  understood  to  have 
interfered  to  prevent  this  result,  and  to  induce  the  new  emperor 
to  seek  favor  from  our  enemies  by  avoiding  intercourse  with  us. 

"7th.  The  French  government  has  taken  pains  to  intimate  to 
us  that  hospitalities  to  our  vessels  of  war,  entering  their  harbors, 
was  accorded  with  reluctance;  and  by  the  delays  interposed  in 
the  grant  of  permission  to  the  Alabama  to  enter  dock  for  neces 
sary  repairs,  placed  her  commander  in  a  situation  which  pre 
vented  him  from  declining  without  dishonor  a  combat  in  which 
his  vessel  was  lost,  chiefly  by  reason  of  her  need  of  refitting  and 
repair. 

"8th.  The  Emperor  of  the  French,  after  having  himself  sug 
gested  and  promised  acquiescence  in  the  attempt  of  this  govern 
ment  to  obtain  vessels-of-war  by  purchase  or  contract  in  France, 
after  encouraging  us  in  the  loss  of  invaluable  time  and  of  the 
service  of  some  of  our  best  naval  officers,  as  well  as  in  the  ex 
penditure  of  large  sums  obtained  at  painful  sacrifice,  has  broken 
his  faith,  has  deprived  us  of  our  vessels  when  on  the  eve  of  com 
pletion,  and  has  thus  inflicted  on  us  an  injury  and  rendered  to 


BENJAMIN'S  REVIEW.  163 

our  enemies  a  service  -which  establish  his  claim  to  any  conces 
sions  that  he  may  desire  from  them.  This  last  act  of  the  French 
government,  professedly  dictated  by  the  obligation  of  preserving 
neutrality,  is  marked  still  more  distinctly  as  unfriendly  to  the 
Confederacy  by  the  fact  that  some  of  the  vessels  have  been  trans 
ferred  to  a  European  power  engaged  in  war  to  which  France  is 
no  party  and  in  which  she  professes  the  same  neutrality  as  in 
the  contest  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

"  The  detention  of  the  Rappahannock  is  the  last  and  least  de 
fensible  of  the  acts  of  the  French  government,  and  it  is  in  its 
nature  totally  irreconcilable  with  neutral  obligations.  A  Con 
federate  vessel,  unarmed,  sought  and  obtained  asylum  in  the 
port  of  Calais.  She  was  allowed  to  complete  her  repairs  and 
to  incur  all  the  cost  and  expense  necessary  to  enable  her  to  go  to 
sea.  She  was  notified  of  the  desire  of  the  French  government 
that  she  should  leave  the  harbor,  and,  while  engaged  in  coaling 
for  that  purpose  and  still  unarmed,  the  French  government,  on 
the  demand  of  our  enemies,  ordered  her  to  be  detained  in  port 
on  the  unintelligible  pretext  that  she  had  not  obtained  her  coal 
in  advance.  Six  months  have  elapsed  and  the  Rappahannock  is 
still  in  a  French  port.  In  violation  of  the  right  of  asylum  we 
have  been  deprived  of  the  services  of  this  vessel,  while,  by  the 
use  of  a  system  alternating  between  a  studied  silence  and  evasive 
statements,  our  representations  have  been  eluded  and  our  re 
monstrances  rendered  unavailing.  After  thus  delaying  the  de 
parture  of  the  vessel  until  our  enemies  had  had  time  to  perfect 
arrangements  for  her  capture,  a  reluctant  consent  to  her  departure 
was  finally  extorted,  but  coupled  with  conditions  which  would 
almost  insure  her  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  ves 
sel,  therefore,  remains  in  the  French  port;  its  use  during  the  war 
practically  confiscated  by  the  government  for  the  benefit  of  our 
adversary,  under  circumstances  as  inconsistent  with  neutral  ob 
ligations  as  they  are  injurious  to  our  rights  and  offensive  to  our 
flag. 

"It  is  impossible  for  the  President,  in  view  of  such  action  on 
the  part  of  a  foreign  government,  to  credit  its  professions  of 
amity,  nor  can  he  escape  the  painful  conviction  that  the  Em 
peror  of  the  French,  knowing  that  the  utmost  efforts  of  this  peo 
ple  are  engrossed  in  the  defence  of  their  homes  against  an  atro 
cious  warfare  waged  by  greatly  superior  numbers,  has  thought 


164     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

the  occasion  opportune  for  promoting  his  own  purposes  at  no 
greater  cost  than  a  violation  of  his  faith  and  duty  towards  us. 

"It  is  unfortunately  but  too  true  that  this  government  is  not 
now  in  a  position  to  resist  such  aggressions,  and  France  is  not 
the  only  nation  which  has  unworthily  availed  itself  of  this  fact, 
as  the  messages  of  the  President  have  on  more  than  one  occasion 
demonstrated  to  the  world.  There  is  one  contrast,  however,  be 
tween  the  conduct  of  the  English  and  French  governments  that 
does  not  redound  to  the  credit  of  the  latter.  The  English  gov 
ernment  has  scarcely  disguised  its  hostility.  From  the  com 
mencement  of  the  struggle  it  has  professed  a  newly-invented 
neutrality  which  it  had  frankly  defined  as  meaning  a  course  of 
conduct  more  favorable  to  the  stronger  belligerents.  The  Em 
peror  of  the  French  professed  an  earnest  sympathy  for  us  and  a 
desire  to  serve  us,  which,  however  sincere  at  the  time,  have 
yielded  to  the  first  suggestion  of  advantage  to  be  gained  by  ren 
dering  assistance  to  our  enemies.  We  are  compelled  by  present 
circumstances  to  submit  in  silence  to  these  aggressions,  but  we 
are  not  compelled,  nor  is  it  compatible  with  a  proper  sense  of 
self-respect,  to  affect  towards  the  Emperor  of  the  French  a  con 
tinuance  of  the  same  regard  and  confidence  to  which  the  Pres 
ident  formerly  felt  justified  in  giving  public  expression.  Nor 
need  we  forego  the  hope,  which  it  is,  however,  unnecessary  to 
proclaim,  that  the  day  is  not  nearly  so  distant  as  is  supposed  by 
those  who  take  themselves  unworthy  advantages,  when  the  Con 
federacy  will  be  able  to  impress  on  all  nations  the  conviction  of 
her  ability  to  repel  outrages  from  whatever  quarter  they  may  be 
offered. 

"From  the  correspondence  of  the  naval  officers  abroad  with 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  it  appears  that  the  French  government 
was  not  satisfied  with  preventing  our  use  during  the  war  of  the 
vessels  built  in  French  ports  with  the  consent  of  that  govern 
ment,  but  refused  permission  to  finish  the  vessels  for  delivery  to 
us  after  the  restoration  of  peace,  and  actually  forced  the  builders 
to  sell  them  to  third  parties.  From  the  reports  of  Captain  Bul 
lock,  it  would  seem  that  the  arrangements  to  prevent  the  vessels 
from  ever  reaching  our  hands  were  so  complete  and  carried  out 
with  such  disregard  of  good  faith  and  of  contract  on  the  part  of 
the  contractors  and  public  officials  that  he  was  compelled  to  es 
teem  himself  fortunate  in  saving  this  government  from  the  loss 


SLIDELL  TO   BIDE  HIS  TIME.  165 

of  the  money  invested.  He  represents  the  conduct  of  all  parties 
to  he  such  as  should  render  the  government  ever  most  cautious 
in  its  dealings  with  France,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  lesson 
will  be  well  remembered. 

"You  will  of  course  understand  that  in  the  foregoing  obser 
vation  it  is  far  from  the  intention  of  the  President  to  suggest  that 
you  should  obtrude  on  the  French  government  any  manifesta 
tion  of  an  indignation  which,  however  deeply  felt,  can  be  fol 
lowed  by  no  action  which  could  afford  us  redress.  We  believe 
that  you  will  not  find  it  difficult  to  maintain  a  reserved  demeanor 
which  will  readily  suggest  the  inference  that  the  conduct  of  the 
emperor's  government  is  regarded  by  the  President  as  unfriendly, 
without  giving  any  occasion  for  a  rupture,  which  would  add  to 
the  weight  of  the  difficulties  attendant  on  our  struggle,  and 
which  is,  therefore,  carefully  to  be  avoided.  Any  complaints 
which  we  may  have  to  make  against  European  powers  must  of 
necessity  be  deferred  for  a  more  favorable  occasion,  and  all  that 
we  can  do  at  present  is  to  avoid  any  course  of  conduct  that 
should  fairly  be  construed  into  condonations  of  injuries  that  re 
main  unredressed. 

******* 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  very  obedient  servant, 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN, 
"Secretary  of  State." 

It  is  apparent  from  this  correspondence,  without 
reference  to  other  confirmatory  evidence,  that  Louis 
Napoleon  was  quite  willing  to  secure  to  his  friend 
Arman  a  good  contract ;  that  he  was  disposed  to 
protract  the  war  in  America  at  least  until  Maxi 
milian's  supremacy  in  Mexico  was  assured,  and  for 
that  purpose  was  prepared  to  render  the  Confeder 
ates  any  assistance  in  his  power  that  would  not 
compromise  his  relations  with  the  United  States. 
He  had  hoped,  no  doubt,  that  the  ships  building  at 
Bordeaux  and  Nantes  should  get  to  sea  and  accom- 


166     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

plish  the  work  for  which  they  were  designed.  He, 
no  doubt,  had  been  encouraged  to  believe,  and  hoped, 
that  before  the  vessels  were  ready  for  sea  the  Con 
federate  armies  might  have  achieved  a  substantial 
victory  like  that  of  the  Revolutionary  army  at  Sar 
atoga  in  1777,  when  he  would  have  been  embold 
ened  to  follow  the  example  of  Louis  XVL,  and 
openly  enter  into  an  offensive  and  defensive  alli 
ance  with  the  Confederates.  No  such  victory,  how 
ever,  was  won ;  the  secret  of  the  ships  was  divulged, 
and  there  was  no  course  left  for  him  but  to  fall 
back  upon  the  literal  terms  of  his  engagement  with 
Slidell,  and  to  disclaim  all  responsibility  for  the 
consequences.  The  Confederates  were  not  dealing 
at  home  with  an  infatuated  sovereign  like  George 
III.,  and  they  were  not  represented  at  Paris  by 
Benjamin  Franklin,  but  by  John  Slidell.  It  is  not 
surprising  that  such  a  difference  in  conditions  was 
attended  with  a  corresponding  difference  in  results. 
Had  a  John  Slidell  been  sent  to  Paris  in  1776,  in 
stead  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  who  would  be  bold 
enough  to  predict  that  the  present  United  States 
would  not  still  be  a  dependance  of  Great  Britain  ? 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Washington  Government  Charged  with  Bribery  and  Employ 
ing  Spies. — Letters  of  Slidell  and  Benjamin. — Mason's  Offer  to 
Corrupt  the  Telegraph  Company. — Edwin  de  Leon's  Mission 
to  "  Enlighten  Public  Opinion  in  Europe"  and  Rig  the  Press. 
—  SlidelVs  Effort  to  Tempt  the  Emperor  with  a  Bribe  of 
$7,000,000.— Mason  and  Slidell  Bull  the  Confederate  Cotton 
Loan  in  the  London  Market  at  an  Expense  of  over  $6,000,000 
in  a  Single  Month. 

IN  the  letter  of  Captain  Bullock  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Confederate  Navy,  dated  November  23, 1863, 
reciting  the  circumstances  which  resulted  in  the 
exposure  and  explosion  of  the  scheme  for  getting 
his  rams  out  of  France,  Captain  Bullock  allows  him 
self  to  say :  "  The  extent  to  which  the  system  of 
bribery  and  spying  has  been  and  continues  to  be 
practised  by  the  agents  of  the  United  States  is 
scarcely  credible.  The  servants  of  gentlemen  sup 
posed  to  have  Southern  sympathies  are  tampered 
with ;  confidential  clerks  and  even  the  messengers 
from  telegraph  offices  are  bribed  to  betray  their 
trust,"  etc.  These  allegations,  which  doubtless  orig 
inated  with  Slidell  and  Mason,  I  cannot  allow  to 
pass  into  history  unchallenged.  It  is  not  strange 
that  Captain  Bullock  should  have  supposed  the  cit 
ies  of  Europe  were  swarming  with  Federal  spies, 
first  because  they  have  been  used  in  war  by  the 


168     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

more  civilized  nations  longer  than  artillery  or  gun 
powder,  and  will  be  used  by  them  long  after  the 
present  arms  of  precision  are  only  to  be  seen  in 
museums  ;  secondly,  because  he  did  not  know  how 
else  to  account  for  the  difficulty  they  had  in  keep 
ing  any  secrets.  Captain  Bullock  does  not  seem  to 
be  aware  of  what  his  own  experience  should  have 
taught  him,  that  a  criminal  secret  is  almost  as  much 
of  an  absurdity  and  as  near  to  an  impossibility  as 
a  universal  solvent,  and  for  the  same  reason  that 
no  vessel  can  hold  it.  While  I  should  as  soon  think 
of  apologizing  for  the  use  of  muskets  as  of  spies 
against  a  public  enemy,  it  will  not  be  out  of  place 
here,  following  Captain  Bullock's  example,  to  give 
my  testimony  upon  this  subject,  upon  which,  so  far 
as  France  is  concerned,  I  am  as  well  informed  as 
any  one.  Though  holding  positions  in  that  empire 
during  the  war  which  would  devolve  upon  me  as 
much  at  least  as  upon  any  one  else  the  duty  of  em 
ploying  spies,  I  never  had  a  spy  in  my  employ  dur 
ing  my  official  residence  in  France,  nor  did  I  ever 
pay  any  one  nor  authorize  any  one  to  be  paid  a 
penny  for  any  secret  information,  procured  at  my 
instance  for  a  mercenary  consideration.  Of  course 
I  should  have  employed  spies  had  I  needed  them, 
but  I  did  not  need  them.  My  relations  with  the  all- 
knowing  press,  with  the  officials  about  the  palace 
and  departments,  and,  above  all,  with  the  represen 
tatives  of  foreign  governments,  who  are  always  glad 
of  an  opportunity  of  placing  a  colleague  under  obli 
gation,  and  who,  with  the  exception  of  the  English, 
Spanish,  and  Austrian  representatives,  were  all  in 


SPIES  NOT  EMPLOYED  BY  FEDERAL  AGENTS.       169 

cordial  sympathy  with  us,  supplied  me,  at  no  ex 
pense,  with  all  the  information  we  required,  and 
of  a  far  more  trustworthy  character  than  can  ordi 
narily  be  obtained  through  spies.  The  case  of  Mr. 
X  constitutes  no  exception.  I  did  not  employ  him. 
He  brought  his  information  to  me,  put  me  in  pos 
session  of  it  without  fee  or  reward,  and  only  stipu 
lated  that  if  I  used  it  in  any  official  way  he  should 
be  compensated.  He  was  never  employed  by  me, 
nor  did  he  serve  me  in  any  other  matter.  What  I 
have  said  for  myself,  I  can  say  with  scarcely  less 
confidence  of  Mr.  Dayton,  who  preceded  me  at  the 
legation,  and  of  Mr.  Mcolay,  who  succeeded  me  at 
the  consulate.  Though  it  is  among  the  possibili 
ties,  it  is  not  among  the  probabilities  that  either 
ever  spent  a  penny  for  the  procurement  of  secret 
information  without  my  being  aware  of  it,  and  I 
certainly  never  had  a  suspicion  of  such  a  thing. 
What  may  have  been  spent  on  spies  in  Belgium  and 
England  I  am  unable  to  speak  of  with  any  posi 
tive  knowledge,  but  I  have  no  doubt  the  charge  of 
Mr.  Bullock  could  be  made  with  as  much  if  not 
with  more  propriety  against  any  first-class  news 
paper  in  London  or  New  York  than  against  any 
Federal  official  in  Europe  during  the  war. 

But  as  Captain  Bullock  has  the  pretension  to 
have  occupied  with  his  colleagues  a  higher  moral 
plane  than  that  upon  which  war  had  theretofore 
been  conducted,  it  may  be  useful  to  him,  in  case  he 
has  occasion  to  write  anything  more  on  this  sub 
ject,  to  understand,  better  than  he  seems  to  have 
done,  the  very  vitreous  character  of  the  edifice  from 
8 


170     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

which  he  and  they  discharge  their  missiles.  But 
that  the  captain's  tirade  may  not  lose  the  benefit  of 
any  extenuating  circumstances,  I  will  here  give  the 
probable  sources  of  his  impressions  of  the  wicked 
ness  of  the  Federal  officers  in  Europe  whom  he  so 
recklessly  arraigns. 

In  a  letter  to  Secretary  of  State  Benjamin,  dated 
November  19,  1863,  and  shortly  after  our  knowl 
edge  of  his  ship-building  operations  was  communi 
cated  to  the  Imperial  government,  Mr.  Slidell  wrote 
as  follows : 

"  Tlie  agents  and  emissaries  of  the  Washington  government, 
not  satisfied  with  the  establishment  of  a  vast  organized  system 
of  espionage  and  the  subornation  of  perjured  informers,  now 
unblushingly  have  recourse  to  theft  and  forgery  to  attain  their 
ends.  Mr.  Dayton  asserts  that  he  has  in  his  possession  letters 
and  other  documents  showing  that  certain  vessels  now  being 
constructed  at  Bordeaux  and  Nantes  belong  to  the  Confederate 
States.  A  confidential  clerk  of  the  builders  at  Nantes  has  ab 
sconded,  carrying  off  documents  of  which  he  was  the  custo 
dian,  and  which  in  some  respects  correspond  with  the  papers 
of  which  Mr.  Dayton  has  deposited  with  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  what  he  asserts  to  be  the  true  copies  of  originals.  If  he, 
in  truth,  have  any  such  originals,  he  knows  by  whom  and  how 
they  were  stolen,  and  was  doubtless  an  accessory  as  well  before 
as  after  the  fact. 

"The  faithless  clerk  must  have  been  heavily  bribed,  for  he 
abandoned  an  eligible  situation  which  was  his  only  means  of 
support.  He  is  an  intelligent,  well-educated  man,  having,  it  is 
said,  always  borne  a  good  character,  and  is  now  a  fugitive  from 
justice  for  a  crime  which  would  consign  him,  if  arrested,  to  the 
galleys. 

"  The  builders  say  that  the  pretended  copies  of  papers  stolen 
from  them  and  deposited  with  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
contain  interpolated  matter,  thus  adding  forgery  to  theft. 

"Mr.  Dayton  has  also  furnished  copies  of  letters  and  other 


BENJAMIN'S  VIEW  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  NORTH.  171 

papers  which  were  stolen  from  Captain  F.  Maury.  A  letter 
which  I  addressed  to  Captain  Sinclair  at  Glasgow,  that  was 
never  received  by  him,  must  have  been  intercepted  by  Federal 
emissaries.  The  post-office  in  France  is,  I  think,  above  sus 
picion,  and  the  theft  must  have  been  perpetrated  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Channel." 

In  reply  to  the  foregoing  Mr.  Benjamin  dis 
charges  the  phials  of  his  wrath  upon  his  loyal 
countrymen  in  terms  beside  which  Mr.  SlidelTs 
sound  moderate  if  not  weak. 

BENJAMIN  TO  SLIDELL. 

"RICHMOND,  January  8,  1864. 

"  I  am  not  at  all  surprised  at  the  accounts  you  give  of  the  ac 
tion  of  the  Northern  emissaries  in  suborning  perjury,  commit 
ting  thefts,  and  forging  documents,  for  the  furtherance  of  their 
objects.  No  crime  is  too  revolting  for  this  race,  which  disgraces 
civilization  and  causes  one  to  blush  for  our  common  humanity. 
You  have  been  removed  from  the  scene  of  their  outrages,  and 
are  evidently  startled  at  conduct  on  their  part  which  we  look  for 
as  quite  naturally  to  be  expected.  A  people  who  have  been  en 
gaged  for  the  last  three  years  in  forging  our  treasury  notes, 
cheating  in  the  exchange  of  prisoners  of  war,  exciting  slaves  to 
the  murder  of  their  masters,  plundering  private  property  with 
out  a  semblance  of  scruple,  burning  dwellings,  breaking  up  and 
destroying  agricultural  implements,  violating  female  honor,  and 
murdering  prisoners  in  cold  blood,  not  to  speak  of  Greek  fire, 
stone  fleets,  and  other  similar  expedients  of  warfare,  would 
scarcely  excite  your  indignation.  /  entertain  no  doubt  whatever 
that  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people  at  the  North  would  be  frantic 
with  fiendish  delight  if  informed  of  the  universal  massacre  of  the 
Southern  people,  including  women  and  children,  in  one  night. 
They  would  then  only  have  to  exterminate  the  blacks  (which 
they  are  fast  doing),  and  they  would  become  owners  of  the  prop 
erty  which  they  covet,  and  for  which  they  are  fighting." 

A  few  months  later,  and  on  the  15th  of  Septem 
ber  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Benjamin  sets  himself 


172     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

down  to  explain  the  psychological  distinctions,  or, 
as  he  expresses  it,  "the radical  difference  as  ex 
hibited  in  the  war  between  the  people  of  the  two 
Confederations." 

"  The  vaunting  and  braggart  spirit  of  the  North," 
he  says,  "  finds  vent  on  the  most  trifling  occasion, 
and  magnifies  the  result  of  a  successful  skirmish 
into  a  grand  victory  that  has  broken  the  back  of 
the  rebellion.  The  cool  and  practical  Southerner, 
looking  reality  in  the  face,  is  supposed  to  depreciate 
the  importance  of  the  most  signal  success,  and  to 
regard  a  grand  victory  as  shorn  of  its  value  if  any 
portion  of  the  enemy's  army  escape  destruction.  Is 
this  to  be  attributed  on  each  side  to  the  innate  con 
sciousness  of  the  superiority  of  the  Southern  race  ? 
Is  the  North  elated  because  any  success  is  unex 
pected  against  our  brave  soldiers?  Is  the  South 
dissatisfied  because  no  success  seems  adequate  to 
what  should  be  effected  by  the  marked  superiority 
of  our  troops  over  those  of  the  enemy  ?  I  am  un 
able  to  solve  the  question." 

"What  fustian  this,  to  put  into  a  diplomatic  in 
struction  ! 

It  is  evident  that  Captain  Bullock  had  read,  or 
otherwise  been  put  in  possession  of  the  contents  of 
these  papers,  and  allowed  himself  to  accept  these 
official  statements  without  making  due  allowance 
for  the  disappointment,  vexation,  and  rage  which 
dictated  them. 

Now  let  us  see  just  how  elevated  was  the  plane 
upon  which  the  Confederate  officials  in  Europe  car 
ried  on  war,  how  far  their  example  lent  authority 


SLIDELL'S  NOTION  OF  POSTAL  MORALS.  173 

to  their  judgments  of  their  Federal  colleagues,  and 
in  what  degree  they  qualified  themselves  to  cast  the 
first  stone. 

We  will  begin  with  the  last  charge  in  Mr.  Slidell's 
letter,  to  the  effect  that  his  despatch  had  been  stolen 
from  Captain  Maury  and  necessarily  by  "  Federal 
emissaries." 

"  The  post-office  in  France,"  he  adds, "  is,  I  think, 
above  suspicion,  and  the  theft  must  have  been  per 
petrated  on  the  other  side  of  the  Channel." 

This  letter  was  written  in  January,  1864. 

In  a  letter  to  Benjamin,  dated  April  20,1863, 
Slidell  writes : 

"  On  the  14th  inst.  I  received  from  M.  Mocquard,  chef  du  Cabi 
net  of  the  emperor,  a  note  in  which  he  said  that  he  hastened  to 
send  me  a  paper  which  he  thought  could  not  fail  to  be  of  interest 
to  me. 

11  It  was  a  copy  of  a  telegraphic  despatch  from  Mr.  Adams,  of 
London,  to  Mr.  Dayton,  advising  him  that  the  Japan,  alias  Vir 
ginia  (a  Confederate  cruiser),  would  probably  enter  a  French 
port  near  St.  Malo.  On  the  following  day  I  saw  M.  Mocquard, 
who  told  me  he  had  been  directed  by  the  emperor  to  send  me 
the  despatch  as  soon  as  received. 

'  'All  despatches  go  first  through  tJie  Ministry  of  tJie  Interior.  If 
they  haw  any  political  interest  they  are  transmitted  to  the  Tuileries 
by  wires.  Thus,  I  have  no  doubt,  I  was  in  possession  of  tlie  paper 
as  soon  as  Mr.  Dayton.  I  thanked  M.  Mocquard  for  his  note, 
and  said  that  I  had  called  to  ask  his  counsel  as  to  the  course  I 
should  pursue  in  relation  to  it.  He  asked  me  what  I  desired 
should  be  done  in  the  matter.  I  said  that,  of  course,  I  wished 
that  every  needful  facility  should  be  afforded  by  the  government 
for  the  repair  of  the  steamer.  He  advised  me  to  prepare  a  note 
to  that  effect,  which  he  would  present  to  the  emperor,  and  to 
feel  assured  that  all  would  be  right." 

This  was  Slidell's  notion  of  a  post-office  above 


174     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

suspicion.  As  long  as  he  supposed  his  own  corre 
spondence  safe,  it  was  no  crime  to  tamper  with  the 
correspondence  of  a  Federal  minister. 

The  measure  of  respect  which  Bullock's  official 
superiors  thought  due  to  the  correspondence  of 
Federal  officials  is  further  illustrated  by  the  follow 
ing  telegram  to  Mr.  Mason,  who  at  that  time  repre 
sented  the  Confederate  government  with  indifferent 
success  at  the  court  of  St.  James : 

April  29. 

"Dear  Sir,— Offer  $10,000  for  the  two  authentic  notes  of 
Seward  and  Lincoln.  Charge  the  Ruyters  *  to  secure  the  letters 
of  Corwin.f  who  quits  Vera  Cruz  on  leave  of  absence  the  20th 
of  May.  Dayton  is  deceived  by  Drouyn  de  Lhuys.  I  send  you 
the  proofs,  which  you  will  return  by  the  first  post. 

"MASON." 

• 

Now  in  regard  to  the  use  of  money  for  purposes 
of  corruption,  let  us  look  a  little  further  and  see 
with  what  kind  of  hands  Captain  Bullock  and  his 
diplomatic  colleagues  come  before  the  tribunals  of 
history.  In  April,  1862,  Secretary  Benjamin  sent 
Edwin  de  Leon,  of  Virginia,  to  Europe  as  an  agent 
of  the  Confederate  government,  and  equipped  him 
with  a  credit  for  £25,000  "  to  be  used  by  him  in  the 
manner  he  might  deem  most  judicious  both  in  Great 
Britain  and  on  the  Continent,  for  the  special  purpose 
of  enlightening  public  opinion  in  Europe  through 
the  press." 

How  was  that  £25,000  to  be  used,  except  in  pub 
lications  calculated  to  prejudice  the  Federal  cause, 

*  The  leading  European  telegraph  agency. 

\  Thomas  Corwin,  Minister  of  the  United  States  to  Mexico. 


BENJAMIN'S  POLITICAL  ETHICS.  175 

to  which  the  press  would  not  extend  its  hospitality 
without  some  pecuniary  inducement  ? 

On  the  same  day  that  Mr.  Benjamin  invested  this 
large  sum  in  the  enlightenment  of  public  opinion  in 
Europe,  he  authorized  Mr.  Slidell  to  offer  the  Em 
peror  of  France  $7,000,000  worth  of  cotton — more 
if  necessary — to  indemnify  him  for  any  expenses  he 
might  incur  in  sending  an  expeditionary  fleet  to  the 
relief  of  the  Confederates.  Can  Captain  Bullock 
refer  us  to  any  similar  attempt  on  the  part  of  Fed 
eral  officials  to  sell  out  their  own  government,  or 
the  Confederate  government,  and  make  either  a 
dependancy  of  any  foreign  power  ? 

In  the  same  month  of  the  same  year  Messrs. 
Mason  and  Slidell  authorized  Messrs.  Erlanger  to 
sustain  the  market  for  Confederate  cotton  bonds,  so 
as  to  prevent  subscribers  who  were  losing  confi 
dence  in  the  Confederacy  from  forfeiting  the  fifteen 
per  cent,  they  had  paid  in,  rather  than  pay  the  sec 
ond  instalment  that  was  to  fall  due  in  a  few  weeks. 
Within  a  month  the  Messrs.  Erlanger,  upon  this 
weak  or  wicked  pretext,  managed  to  invest  for  them 
over  $6,000,000  in  "  bulling  "  the  London  market. 

This  and  the  next  preceding  statement  are  of 
such  extraordinary  character,  and  refer  to  events 
the  knowledge  of  which  has  hitherto  been  confined 
to  so  few,  that  the  public  is  entitled  to  the  authority 
upon  which  I  make  them. 

In  reference  to  the  first,  in  which  a  foreign  power 
is  invited  to  invade  our  shores,  I  cite  the  following 
letter  from  the  Confederate  Secretary  of  State.  In 
this  letter  will  be  found  the  "proposals"  which 


176  FRANCE  AND  THE   CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

Slidell  was  instructed  to  make  to  the  emperor  and 
to  which  reference  is  made  on  pp.  120-123  and  145. * 

BENJAMIN  TO  SLIDELL. 

"(Confidential.')  "DEPARTMENT  OF   STATE, 

RICHMOND,  April  12, 1862. 
"Hon.  JOHN  S.  SLIDELL,  etc.,  Paris: — 

"  Sir, — A  reference  to  the  despatches  of  my  predecessor  sug 
gested  a  doubt  whether  they  are  quite  so  definite  on  one  or  two 
points  as  may  be  desirable  in  order  to  place  you  fully  in  posses 
sion  of  the  President's  views. 

"It  is  of  course  quite  impossible  at  this  distance  and  with 
communication  so  imperfect,  to  ascertain  precisely  the  extent  to 
which  the  government  of  the  emperor  may  be  committed  by  the 
understanding  reported  to  exist  between  France  and  England  on 
the  subject  of  our  affairs.  There  are,  however,  certain  points  on 
which  the  interests  of  the  two  countries  are  so  distinct,  if  not 
conflicting,  that  the  President  can  scarcely  suppose  his  imperial 
majesty  so  far  to  have  relinquished  his  right  of  independent  ac 
tion  as  to  be  entirely  precluded  from  entering  into  any  com 
mercial  conventions  whatever.  If,  therefore,  the  impression  of 
the  President  be  not  ill-founded,  you  may  be  able  to  effect  nego 
tiations  on  the  basis  of  certain  commercial  advantages  to  be  ac 
corded  to  the  French  people.  On  this  hypothesis,  I  proceed  to 
lay  before  you  the  views  of  this  government.  As  a  general  rule 
it  is  undoubtedly  desirable  that  our  relations  with  all  countries 
should  be  placed  on  the  same  common  footing  ;  that  our  com 
mercial  intercourse  should  be  as  free  as  is  compatible  with  the 
necessity  of  raising  revenue  from  moderate  duties  and  imposts. 
But  in  the  exceptional  position  which  we  now  occupy,  struggling 
for  existence  against  an  enemy  whose  vastly  superior  resources 
for  obtaining  the  material  of  war  place  us  at  great  disadvantage, 
it  becomes  of  primary  importance  to  neglect  no  means  of  open 
ing  our  ports,  and  thereby  obtaining  the  articles  most  needed  for 
the  supply  of  the  army.  If,  therefore,  by  a  convention,  conced 
ing  to  the  French  emperor  the  right  of  introducing  French  prod 
ucts  into  this  country  free  of  duty  for  a  certain  defined  period, 

*  Copies  from  the  Confederate  archives  ,in  the  possession  of 
our  government  at  Washington. 


THE   COTTON  TEMPTATION.  177 

it  were  possible  to  induce  liis  abandonment  of  the  policy  hitherto 
pursued,  of  acquiescence  in  the  interdiction  placed  by  the  North 
ern  government  on  commerce  with  these  states,  the  President 
would  approve  of  your  action  in  making  a  treaty  on  such  a  basis. 
With  your  enlarged  experience  of  public  affairs,  and  thorough 
acquaintance  with  the  resources  and  commercial  necessities  of 
the  South,  the  President  does  not  deem  it  necessary  to  enter  into 
any  detailed  instructions  in  relation  to  the  terms  of  such  a  treaty. 

"  There  is,  however,  one  contingency  to  be  foreseen  on  which  you 
might  not  feel  at  liberty  to  commit  this  government,  and  which 
it  is  therefore  proper  to  anticipate.  It  is  well  understood  that 
there  exists  at  present  a  temporary  embarrassment  in  the  finances 
of  France,  which  might  have  the  effect  of  deterring  that  govern 
ment  from  initiating  a  policy  likely  to  superinduce  the  necessity 
for  naval  expeditions.  If  under  these  circumstances  you  should, 
after  cautious  inquiry,  be  able  to  satisfy  yourself  that  the  grant 
of  a  subsidy  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  such  expeditions 
would  suffice  for  removing  any  obstacle  to  an  arrangement  or 
understanding  with  the  emperor,  you  are  at  liberty  to  enter  into 
engagements  to  that  effect.  In  such  event  the  agreement  would 
take  the  form  most  advantageous  to  this  country,  by  a  stipula 
tion  to  deliver  on  this  side  a  certain  number  of  bales  of  cotton  to 
be  received  by  the  merchant  vessels  of  France  at  certain  desig 
nated  ports.  In  this  manner  one  hundred  thousand  bales  of 
cotton  of  five  hundred  pounds  each  would  represent  a  grant  to 
France  of  not  less  than  $12,500,000,  costing  this  government  but 
$4,500,000,  or  frs.  63,000,000.  If  cotton  be  worth,  as  we  suppose, 
not  less  than  twenty  cents  per  pound  in  Europe,  such  a  sum 
would  maintain  afloat  a  considerable  fleet  for  a  length  of  time 
quite  sufficient  to  open  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf  ports  to  the  com 
merce  of  France.  I  do  not  state  this  sum  as  the  limit  to  which 
you  would  be  authorized  to  go  in  making  a  negotiation  on  the 
subject,  but  to  place  clearly  before  you  the  advantage  which 
would  result  in  stipulating  for  payment  in  cotton. 

"Again,  vessels  sent  from  France  under  convoy  to  receive  the 
cotton  granted  as  a  subsidy  would  of  course  be  sent  with  cargoes 
of  such  merchandise  as  is  needed  in  the  Confederacy.  Now  the 
prices  of  foreign  goods  are  at  the  very  lowest  price,  and  in  many 
articles  four  or  five  fold  the  cost  in  Europe.  It  is  difficult  to 
approximate  the  amount  of  profit  that  would  accrue  from  such 
8* 


178  FRANCE   AND  THE   CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

a  shipment,  but  it  ought  at  least  to  equal  that  on  cotton  taken 
back;  so  that  the  proceeds  of  the  cotton  granted  as  a  subsidy, 
and  the  profits  on  the  cargoes  of  the  vessels  sent  to  receive  it, 
would  scarcely  fall  short  of  frs.  100,000,000.  On  this  basis  you 
will  readily  perceive  the  extent  to  which  the  finances  of  France 
might  find  immediate  and  permanent  relief  if  the  subsidy  were 
doubled;  and  the  enormous  advantages  that  would  accrue  to  that 
government  if  by  their  opening  one  or  more  of  the  Southern 
ports  to  its  own  commerce  the  interchange  of  commodities 
should  absorb  half  a  million  or  a  million  of  bales.  If  it  should 
be  your  good -fortune  to  succeed  in  this  delicate  and  difficult 
negotiation  you  might  well  consider  that  practically  our  struggle 
would  have  been  brought  to  a  successful  termination,  for  you 
would,  of  course,  not  fail  to  make  provision  for  the  necessary 
supply  of  small  arms  and  powder  to  enable  us  to  confront  our 
foes  triumphantly. 

"  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  a  sufficient  sum  of 
secret  service  money  has  not  hitherto  been  placed  at  the  disposal 
of  our  diplomatic  agents  abroad.  With  enemies  so  active,  so 
unscrupulous,  and  with  a  system  of  deception  so  thoroughly 
organized  as  that  now  established  by  them  abroad,  it  becomes 
absolutely  essential  that  no  means  be  spared  for  the  dissemina 
tion  of  truth,  and  for  a  fair  exposition  of  our  condition  and  pol 
icy  before  foreign  nations.  It  is  not  wise  to  neglect  public  opin 
ion,  nor  prudent  to  leave  to  the  voluntary  interposition  of  friends, 
often  indiscreet,  the  duty  of  vindicating  our  country  and  its 
cause  before  the  tribunal  of  civilized  man.  The  President,  shar 
ing  these  views,  has  authorized  me  to  place  at  your  disposal 

thousand  dollars,  which  you  will  find  to  your  credit  with 

Messrs.  Fraser,  Trenholm,  &c.,  of  Liverpool,  and  which  you 
will  use  for  the  service  of  your  country  in  such  way  as  you  may 
deem  most  judicious, with  special  view,  however,  to  the  necessity 
of  the  enlightenment  of  public  opinion  iu  Europe  through  the 
press. 

******* 

"I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  etc., 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  P.  S.— Since  closing  this  despatch  it  has  occurred  to  the  Presi 
dent  that  it  would  be  more  advisable  to  have  a  confidential  agent 
in  Europe  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  views  above  ex- 


BULLING  THE   LONDON  MARKET.  179 

pressed  in  relation  to  the  public  press.  He  has  therefore  ap 
pointed  Edwin  de  Leon,  Esq.,  formerly  United  States  Consul  at 
Alexandria,  in  whose  ability,  discretion,  and  entire  devotion  to 
our  cause  he  has  entire  confidence,  and  has  supplied  him  with 
twenty-five  thousand  dollars,  as  a  secret  service  fund  to  be  used 
by  him  for  the  special  purpose  of  obtaining  the  insertion  in  the 
public  journals  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Continent  such  articles 
as  may  be  useful  in  enlightening  public  opinion  in  relation  to 
this  country.  Mr.  de  Leon  will  bear  you  this  despatch,  and  I 
trust  you  will  give  him  on  all  occasions  the  benefit  of  your  coun 
sels,  and  impart  to  him  all  information  you  may  deem  it  expedi 
ent  to  make  public,  so  as  to  facilitate  him  in  obtaining  such  posi 
tion  and  influence  among  leading  journals  and  men  of  letters  as 
will  enable  him  most  effectually  to  serve  our  cause  in  the  special 
sphere  assigned  to  him. 

"  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State." 

The  expenditure  of  over  $6,000,000  under  the 
direction  of,  and  by  the  authority  of,  Mason,  Slidell, 
and  Benjamin  to  sustain  the  Confederate  cotton 
bonds  in  the  London  cotton  market  is  made  upon 
the  authority  of  the  two  following  letters  from 
Mason  to  Benjamin:* 

J.  M.  MASON  TO  BENJAMIN. 
"COMMISSIONER  OP  THE  CONFEDERATE  STATES, 

No.  24  UPPER  SEYMOUR  STREET, 
PORTMAN  SQUARE,  LONDON,  April  9,  1863. 
"Hon.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State: — 

"  Sir, — In  my  No.  32  of  March  ultimo,  I  gave  the  history  of  the 
Confederate  loan  up  to  that  date,  when  it  stood  with  apparent 
firmness  at  from  If  to  2  per  cent,  premium,  and  with  every  pros 
pect,  as  I  was  assured  by  the  bankers,  that  it  was  then  sufficiently 
strong  in  the  market  not  to  fall  below  par. 

"  Subsequently,  however,  and  within  a  few  days  afterwards,  it 
fluctuated  from  day  to  day  with  a  depressing  tendency,  until  in  a 

*  Copied  from  the  Confederate  archives  in  the  possession  of 
the  government  at  Washington. 


180     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVr. 

single  day  it  fell  from  2  to  2£  per  cent.,  closing  on  that  day  at 
4  to  4|  discount.  The  Easter  holidays  then  intervened,  when  the 
exchange  was  closed  for  one  or  two  days.  At  this  time,  the 
Erlangers  with  their  advisers  in  London  came  to  me  and  repre 
sented  that  it  was  very  manifest  that  agents  of  the  Federal  gov 
ernment  here,  and  those  connected  with  them  by  sympathy  and 
interest,  were  making  concerted  movements  covertly  to  discredit 
the  loan,  by  large  purchases  at  low  rates,  and,  succeeding  to  some 
extent,  had  thus  invited  the  formation  of  a  '  bear '  party,  whose 
operations,  if  unchecked  by  an  exhibition  of  confidence  strong 
ly  displayed,  might,  and  probably  would,  bring  down  the  stock 
before  settlement  day  (24th  April)  to  such  low  rates  as  would 
alarm  holders,  and  might,  in  the  end,  lead  a  large  portion  of  them 
to  abandon  their  subscriptions  by  a  forfeiture  of  the  instalments 
(15  per  cent.)  so  far  paid.  They  said  that  they  with  their  friends, 
with  a  view  to  sustain  the  market,  had  purchased  as  far  as  they 
could  go;  but  unless  a  strong  and  determined  power  was  inter 
posed  they  could  not  be  responsible  for  the  panic  that  might 
arise,  and  they  advised  that  I  should  give  them  authority  to  pur 
chase  on  government  account,  if  necessary,  to  the  extent  of  one 
million  (sterling),  at  such  times  as  might  appear  judicious,  and 
until  par  was  obtained.  I  represented  the  condition  of  things  to 
Mr.  Slidell,  and  asked  his  counsels  in  the  matter.  He  agreed 
with  me,  that  if  necessary  to  prevent  such  serious  consequences 
as  might  ensue  to  the  government  credit,  the  proposed  interposi 
tion  should  be  made.  I  further  requested  Mr.  Spence  (who  was 
kept  fully  cognizant  of  the  condition  of  things)  to  confer  with 
the  depositaries  (Trenholm  &  Co.),  at  Liverpool,  as  to  the  pro 
jected  measures,  and  to  come  up  to  London.  He  did  so;  and 
under  these  joint  counsels,  including  Erlanger  &  Co.,  it  was 
determined  that  if  the  market  opened  after  the  Easter  recess 
under  the  same  depression,  that  the  government  should  buy, 
through  Erlanger  &  Co.,  but  of  course  without  disclosing  the 
real  party  in  the  market,  in  the  manner  indicated.  I  enclose 
herewith  a  copy  of  the  Article  of  Agreement  entered  into  with 
Erlanger  &  Co.,  to  effect  this  end,  dated  the  7th  instant.  The 
next  day  (the  9th)  was  the  first  business  day  after  the  holidays. 
The  loan  opened  under  great  depression,  and  with  declining 
tendencies.  In  the  course  of  the  day  purchases  were  made  for 
our  account,  at  from  4  to  3  and  2£  discount,  to  the  amount  of 


BULLING  THE  LONDON  MARKET.  181 

£100,000.  This  had  the  effect  of  bringing  the  rates  at  the  close 
of  the  day  to  the  point  last  named  (2i  discount).  The  following 
day  (yesterday)  (to  use  the  language  of  the  stock  exchange) 
the  '  bears '  again  made  a  rush,  but  were  met  with  so  decided  a 
front  that  at  the  close  of  the  day  the  stock  stood  at  a  half  per 
cent,  premium,  and  it  was  said  by  our  bankers  (who  report  to 
me  every  morning)  that  there  were  strong  manifestations  of  the 
bears  creeping  in  at  the  close  of  the  day,  to  cover  themselves 
as  well  as  they  could,  at  rates  ranging  from  ^  to  ^  premium. 
Yesterday  the  amount  purchased  under  the  arrangement  is  re 
ported  at  about  £300,000,  and  our  bankers  believe  that  our 
work  is  substantially  done,  and  that  the  stock  will  now  grad 
ually  rise  to  a  healthy  condition,  and  a  premium.  Of  course 
no  purchase  will  be  made  above  par.  The  operations  of  yes 
terday  were  chiefly  at  par.  All  this  thing  is  of  course  done  in 
confidence  and  in  silence.  Should  the  market  admit,  or  when 
it  admits,  sales  will  be  made  (never  under  par)  until  what  the 
government  may  have  bought  shall  be  again  placed.  At  worst, 
should  it  be  found  necessary  to  purchase  to  the  extent  proposed 
of  £1,000,000,  the  effect  will  only  be  to  reduce  the  loan  by  that 
amount. 

"It  is  believed  that  after  the  adjustments  ensuing  at  settle 
ment  day,  and  the  payment  of  the  next  instalment  of  10  per 
cent,  on  the  1st  of  May,  matters  will  become  sufficiently  perma 
nent,  not  only  to  dispense  with  further  purchases,  but  to  enable 
us  gradually  to  sell  out.  I  hope  you  will  see  the  necessity  which 
called  on  me  to  exercise  this  responsibility,  and  that  what  I  have 
done  will  have  the  approval  of  the  government.  I  confess  I  was, 
at  first  impression,  exceedingly  averse  to  it,  and  so  expressed  my 
self  to  Mr.  Slidell;  but  each  day  since  I  am  better  satisfied  with 
what  has  been  done. 

"April  10.  —  The  market  closed  yesterday  firm  at  from  £  to 
1  per  cent,  premium,  an  improvement  on  the  day  before.  I  un 
derstand  there  were  large  dealings,  but  only  £30,000  purchased 
for  government  account,  that,  for  the  most  part,  at  par. 

"April  11  (Saturday). — The  market  closed  to-day  still  up 
ward,  the  rates  at  close  f  to  2£  premium. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully, 
"Your  obedient  servant, 

"J.M.  MASON." 


182     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

"Articles  of  Agreement  entered  into  this  seventh  day  of  April, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
three,  between  the  Hon.  J.  M.  Mason,  special  commissioner  of  the 
government  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America  to  England, 
acting  with  the  advice  of  the  financial  agent  of  the  Confeder 
ate  government  in  England,  of  the  first  part;  Messrs.  Emile  Er- 
langer  &  Co.,  bankers,  Paris,  of  the  second  part: 

"  Whereas,  Messrs.  Emile  Erlanger  &  Co.  have  contracted  with 
the  said  government  to  issue  in  Europe  a  loan  of  three  million 
pounds  sterling,  nominal  amount ;  and, 

"  Whereas,  the  said  loan  was  fully  subscribed  for  and  issued 
to  the  public,  and  a  deposit  of  fifteen  per  cent,  has  been  paid 
upon  it  by  the  allotters;  and, 

"  Whereas,  it  is  believed  that  various  parties  have  set  them 
selves  to  depress  the  loan  in  the  market  by  circulating  rumors, 
by  selling  large  amounts  for  future  delivery,  and  by  other  mach 
inations,  in  order  to  alarm  the  holders  and,  if  possible,  to  drive 
them  to  abandon  the  loan;  and, 

"  WJiereas,  these  measures  have  been  successful  in  depreciating 
the  price  to  a  discount,  and  thus  tending  to  injure  the  estimation 
of  the  loan  in  public  opinion,  and  if  unresisted  may  have  a  dis 
astrous  effect  on  the  interests  of  the  government  and  the  bond 
holders  ; 

"  Therefore,  in  order  to  meet  these  attempts  and  for  the  pro 
tection  of  the  stockholders  and  that  of  the  interest  of  the  said 
government,  it  is  hereby  agreed, 

"That  Messrs.  Erlanger  &  Co.  shall,  and  are  hereby  author 
ized  to,  buy  for  account  of  the  Confederate  government  in  the 
market  up  to  the  amount  of  one  million  sterling,  nominal  capi 
tal,  or  any  smaller  amount,  as  may  appear  sufficient  to  restore 
the  value  of  the  said  bonds  to  the  position  they  ought  to  hold, 
as  well  in  reference  to  the  credit  of  the  government  as  in  view  of 
the  interest  of  the  bondholders. 

"Due  notice  of  the  amount  so  acquired  shall  be  from  time  to 
time  notified  to  the  Hon.  J.  M.  Mason  and  to  the  financial  agent 
of  the  Confederate  government;  but  it  shall  be  in  the  power  of 
Messrs.  Erlanger  &  Co.  to  resell  to  the  public  the  amount  of  stock, 
or  any  part  of  the  amount,  so  acquired  at  a  price  not  lower  than 
the  price  of  issue,  say  ninety  per  cent.,  subject,  however,  to  the 
control  of  the  said  Hon.  J.  M.  Mason,  and  any  profits  on  these 


MASON  IN  THE   HANDS   OF  THE   PHILISTINES.      183 

transactions  shall  inure  to  the  benefit  of  the  Confederate.govern- 
ment.  Should  circumstances,  however,  require  that  the  bonds 
be  resold  at  a  price  below  price  of  issue,  such  resale  shall  be 
effected  only  under  the  sanction  of  the  Hon.  J.  M.  Mason. 

"The  operations  herein  referred  to  will  be  conducted  by  Mes 
sieurs  Emile  Erlanger  &  Co.  free  of  all  commissions  and  charges 
(except  the  actual  brokerage  paid)  to  the  government. 

"LONDON,  April  7,  1863. 

"J.  M.  MASON,  Special  Com.,  etc.,  etc. 

"  EMILE  ERLANGER  &  Co.,  H.  Hamberrer. 

"  Witnesses  to  the  signatures. 

"  J.  W.  SCHROEDER." 

MASON  TO  ERLANGER  &  Co. 

"Messrs.  EMILE  ERLANGER  &  Co.,  Paris: — 

"  Gentlemen, — In  pursuance  of  the  conversation  we  have  had 
together,  I  hereby  authorize  you  to  buy  in  the  market  a  further 
amount  of  the  script  of  the  seven  per  cent,  cotton  loan,  not  ex 
ceeding  five  hundred  thousand  pounds  stock  (£500,000),  for  ac 
count  of  the  government  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America, 
on  precisely  the  same  terms  and  conditions  as  stipulated  in  the 
former  agreement  executed  between  us,  and  bearing  date  7th 
instant,  for  the  purchase  of  £1,000,000  stock,  of  which  this  is,  in 
fact,  an  extension. 

"  I  am,  gentlemen,  your  obedient  servant, 

' '  J.  M.  MASON,  Special  Commissioner,  etc. " 

The  Creoles  of  Hayti  have  a  proverb  to  the  effect 
that  one  should  never  stoop  down  to  tie  his  shoe 
strings  in  a  melon-patch.  If  there  is  any  wisdom 
in  that  caution  it  would  have  been  wiser  for  Erlan 
ger  not  to  have  acted  as  the  broker  of  Mr.  Mason  to 
sustain  the  market  for  securities  of  which  he  and  his 
clients  were  probably  among  the  largest  holders, 
nor  for  Mr.  Slidell  to  act  as  Mason's  counsellor  in 
this  transaction,  with  a  daughter  betrothed  to  one 


184  FRANCE   AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

of  Erlanger's  sons.  Mr.  Erlanger  did  not,  however, 
indulge  in  any  such  vulgar  considerations  of  Creole 
prudence.  On  the  contrary,  he  sustained  the  mar 
ket  as  vigorously  as  if  the  Confederate  bonds  were 
his  own,  as  we  shall  see  by  the  following  report  of 
Mason  to  Benjamin.  I  know  of  nothing  much  more 
naif  in  all  literature  than  this  letter  from  the  un 
sophisticated,  narrow-minded,  and  pragmatical  old 

Virginian : 

"CONFEDERATE  STATES  COMMISSION, 

LONDON,  April  27, 1863. 
"Hon.  J.'  P  BENJAMIN,  Secretary  of  State:— 

"  Sir, — On  the  7th  of  April  instant  I  wrote  you  at  some  length 
on  the  condition  and  prospects  of  the  loan,  on  which  I  am  now 
to  make  a  further  report. 

"The  record  here  would  show  that  this  letter  was  numbered 
34  as  a  despatch.  Should  this  be  so,  /  suggest  that  it  be  treated 
as  unofficial,  and  marked  accordingly  ;  it,  perhaps,  should  not  go 
on  the  official  files  to  give  it  publicity. 

"I  have  now  to  report  that,  by  means  of  the  purchase  upon 
government  account  therein  referred  to,  the  stock  continued  to 
stand  from  day  to  day  at*about  therein  noted  on  the  llth  of  April, 
say  from  1J  to  2  per  cent,  premium.  To  maintain  this  strength, 
however,  so  large  purchases  were  made  that,  on  the  24th  instant, 
they  were  found  to  exceed  one  million  sterling;  when,  again,  un 
der  the  advice  of  Mr.  Spence,  I  enlarged  the  power  of  the  brokers 
to  purchase  to  the  additional  extent  of  five  hundred  thousand  of 
pounds  if  necessary. 

"  Settlement  day  was  the  25th,  and  this  new  authority  was 
deemed  indispensable  to  prevent  the  stock  again  lapsing  to  a  dis 
count.  Mr.  Spence  again  reports  that,  on  the  25th,  the  account 
between  buyers  and  sellers  was  fully  adjusted,  and  under  cir 
cumstances  leading  to  the  belief  that  the  bears  were  sufficiently 
punished  to  make  them  cautious  of  future  like  attacks. 

"Mr.  Spence,*  under  whose  advice  and  guidance  I  acted  in 

*  The  Mr.  Spence  to  whose  advice  and  guidance  Mr.  Mason  pro 
fesses  to  have  been  so  much  indebted  in  his  arduous  efforts  to 


BULLING  THE   LONDON  MARKET.  185 

this  matter,  remained  in  London  during  the  operation,  and  was 
each  day  in  the  City  during  business  hours,  attending  to  it  in 
person.  Both  he  and  the  bankers  entertain  strong  hope,  as  the 
great  mass  of  the  stock  is  now  in  certain  hands,  that  it  will  sus 
tain  itself  on  a  level  at  least  at  par,  or  free  from  fluctuations 
caused  by  its  adversaries,  and  that  it  will  have  the  benefit  of  an 
upward  tendency  by  accounts  favorable  to  the  success  of  the 
Confederate  arms  as  they  successively  reach  here. 

"I  shall  not  close  this  despatch  for  some  days,  and  will  have 
it  in  my  power  to  note  what  effect  may  have  been  produced  by 
the  great  and  gratifying  intelligence  received  yesterday  of  the 
signal  repulse  of  the  iron-clads  at  Charleston,  the  abandonment 
of  the  attack  on  Vicksburg,  and  the  dangerous  position  of  the 
enemy's  forces  at  Washington,  N.  C. 

"The  very  large  purchases  that  were  required  to  sustain  the 
stock  afford  the  best  evidence  that  without  them  it  would  have 
fallen  so  low  below  par  as  to  have  brought  it  into  great  discredit, 
very  possibly  producing  a  panic  so  great  as  to  induce  holders 

keep  the  eyes  of  English  capitalists  open  to  the  merits  of  the 
Confederate  bonds  was  a  Liverpool  merchant,  who  espoused  the 
cause  of  the  Confederates  at  an  early  stage,  and  did  not  a  little 
with  his  pen  to  popularize  it  in  England.  He  was  so  well  in 
formed  about  the  state  of  public  opinion  there,  and  so  ignorant 
of  the  sentiments  of  his  clients,  as  to  pledge  them  to  abolish 
slavery  as  soon  as  their  independence  was  established.  To  this 
no  exception  was  taken  until  he  asked  to  be  officially  recognized 
as  an  agent  of  the  Confederacy.  This  Mr.  Benjamin  declined 
to  do  on  the  ground  that,  on  the  vital  question  of  slavery,  he  did 
not  reflect  the  sentiments  or  purposes  of  the  Confederacy  cor 
rectly.  The  disaffection  came  to  a  head  when  Erlanger  was  ap 
pointed  the  agent  for  effecting  the  cotton  loan.  I  was  told,  by  a 
person  in  a  position  to  be  well  informed  upon  the  subject,  that 
he  resented  this  treatment,  and  threatened  to  sell  the  Confeder 
ate  bonds  at  50,  and  break  the  market,  in  consequence  of  which 
they  bought  him  off  by  giving  him  £6000.  He  subsequently 
sent  in  a  bill  for  £15,000  for  his  services  to  the  Confederate  gov 
ernment.  After  threatening  and  wrangling  for  a  while  the  dif 
ference  was  compromised  by  his  receiving  the  same  pay  as  the 
highest  class  Confederate  commissioner,  $12,000  in  gold  a  year. 


186     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

even  to  abandon  the  instalment  paid,  of  15  per  cent.,  rather  than 
incur  risk  of  greater  loss;  and  the  more  I  have  thought  on 
the  subject  the  better  I  am  satisfied  of  the  correctness  of  our 
judgment  in  going  into  the  market  to  sustain  it.  The  next  in 
stalment  is  due  on  the  1st  of  May,  which,  when  paid,  will  amount 
to  25  per  cent.  After  that  both  the  bankers  and  Mr.  Spence 
are  sanguine  that,  under  favorable  accounts  from  the  South, 
the  stock  will  so  rapidly  improve  as  to  enable  them  gradually 
to  replace  what  was  bought  in,  by  sales  from  time  to  time  as 
the  market  would  bear. 

"It  is  difficult  satisfactorily  to  determine  why  the  stock  fell 
so  rapidly  to  4  or  5  per  cent,  discount  after  having  for  the  first 
few  days  stood  at  a  premium  equal  to  the  same  amount,  and  un 
der  apparent  avidity  to  obtain  it,  which  prompted  the  overflow 
ing  subscription  of  nearly  sixteen  millions. 

"  I  am  not  sufficiently  conversant  with  the  stock  market  or  its 
tendencies  to  solve  the  question.  My  advisers  ascribe  it  to  the 
determined  effort  of  Federal  agencies  here  to  throw  the  loan  into 
discredit;  and  Mr.  Spence  thinks,  among  other  causes,  that  it 
was  placed  too  high  (at  ninety)  upon  the  market.  Be  this  as  it 
may,  I  was  satisfied  that  any  risk  should  be  taken  to  prevent  the 
loan  from  falling  through,  and  acted  accordingly.  Should  we 
be  unable  to  resell,  it  will,  of  course,  much  disturb  all  arrange 
ments  that  have  been  made  based  upon  the  estimated  receipts 
from  the  loan.  I  believe,  however,  that  no  loss  will  be  sustained 
because  of  our  purchases,  and  have  even  a  confident  hope  that  it 
will  turn  out  a  money-making  operation.  At  worst,  should  we 
be  obliged  to  hold  the-  stock,  there  is  little  doubt  it  can  be  used 
to  meet  existing  engagements  of  the  government  here. 

"May  2. — I  enclose  an  account  that  may  interest  you,  showing 
the  purchases  made  from  day  to  day  on  government  account,  with 
the  price  affixed.  The  sales  at  the  close  of  the  account  show 
only  twenty-six  thousand  pounds  (£26,000).  It  is  thought  now, 
however,  that  the  market  will  daily  grow  stronger,  and  admit 
of  sales  more  freely.  On  the  day  before  yesterday  (the  30th  of 
April)  twenty  thousand  pounds  additional  were  sold  at  If  per 
cent,  premium;  yesterday  was  dies  non  at  the  stock  exchange, 
a  holiday. 

"  No  intelligence  yet  of  Mr.  McCrea.    I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant. 


MASON  AND   SLIDELL'S  FINANCIERING. 


187 


"Bought  by  order  and  for  account  of  the  government  of  the 
Confederate  States  of  America: 


April  7.—  £75,000 

at  3   Dis. 

April  10.—  £5,000  at 

If  Pm. 

15,000 

"  2J   " 

3,000  " 

ll9G   " 

15,000 

"  2J    " 

17,000  " 

If      " 

10,000 

"  2£    " 

10,000  " 

1^      " 

10,000 

"  I*    " 

April  11.—  19,500  " 

H  " 

5,000 

"  1     " 

25,000  " 

If   " 

April 

a—  4,000 

"H  « 

April  13.—  15,000  " 

1^  " 

8,000 

"  it  " 

22,000  " 

If  " 

3,000 

"  H   " 

April  14.—  25,000  " 

H   " 

37,000 

"  1     " 

April  15.—  26,000  " 

if   " 

32,000 

"   I   " 

April  16.—  45,000  " 

1     " 

3,000 

"   |  " 

April  17.—    1,000  " 

f   " 

3,000 

H        f       « 

April  18.—  21,500  " 

1     " 

23,000 

"         A-        " 

April  20.—  67,500  " 

1     " 

47,000 

"         £        " 

April  21.—  44,000  " 

1     " 

1,000 

M       £      « 

April  23.—    5,000  " 

1     " 

110,000 

"  par. 

35,000  " 

\\  " 

April 

9.—  10,000 

"    i  Pm. 

65,000  " 

If   " 

1,000 

"    f    " 

128,000  " 

li   " 

25,500 

"    t    " 

April  24.—    5,000  " 

If   " 

5,000 

«    |    «< 

160,900  " 

H   " 

April 

10.—  51,000 

"  1     " 

5,000  " 

ITG  " 

13,000 

"  H  " 

100,000  " 

.1*    " 

17,000 

"  it   " 

14,600  " 

1      " 

Confed.  7 

%  cotton,  £1,388,500 

Sold: 

April 

8.—  £6,000 

at  |Dis. 

5,000 

"    t    " 

April  9.—   5,000 

"  par. 

5,000 

"    iPm. 

April 

10.—  5,000 

"  If    " 

£26,000 

£1,362,500 

E.  &  0.  E. 
LONDON,  April  28, 1863." 


188     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

This,  we  presume,  was  another  of  Mr.  Benjamin's 
methods,  and  a  pretty  costly  one,  too,  of  "  enlight 
ening  public  opinion  in  Europe."  Subtracting  this 
$6,000,000  wasted  in  "  rigging"  the  English  market, 
and  some  $5,000,000  more,  wasted  upon  ships  which 
were  never  delivered,  the  balance  realized  from  the 
$15,000,000  cotton  loan  by  the  Confederate  gov 
ernment  does  not  speak  very  highly  for  the  morals 
or  the  financiering  of  the  Confederate  agents  in 
Europe.  Neither  does  the  fraud,  so  deliberately 
planned  and  executed  by  Mr.  Mason  and  his  col 
leagues,  appear  any  more  venial  because  it  was 
specially  designed  to  mislead  and  defraud  their 
special  friends  and  foreign  allies,  who  alone  were 
stupid  enough  to  buy  their  securities. 

It  would  not  be  surprising  if  the  people  of  this 
world  should  some  day  be  just  wicked  enough  to 
ask  the  first  person  they  think  likely  to  know,  wheth 
er  all  the  gentlemen  concerned  in  sustaining  the 
market  with  Confederate  funds  had  as  many  of 
those  but-too-much-coddled  securities  when  they 
stopped  "  sustaining"  the  market  as  they  had  when 
they  began. 

I  take  it  for  granted  that  when  Captain  Bullock 
indited  his  complaints  against  the  agents  of  the  Fed 
eral  government  in  Europe  he  could  not  have  been 
aware  of  the  disgraceful  transactions  of  his  col 
leagues  which  are  disclosed  in  these  letters  of  Mason. 

But  Mr.  Benjamin's  efforts  "to  enlighten  public 
opinion  in  Europe  "  are  not  yet  all  told.  In  April 
of  the  following  year,  1864,  Mr.  Benjamin  sent  Ja 
cob  Thompson  of  Mississippi  and  Clement  C.  Clay 


BUYING  NEWSPAPERS.  189 

of  Alabama  with  well-filled  pockets,  "  on  secret  ser 
vice,  in  the  hope  of  aiding  the  disruption  between 
the  Eastern  and  Western  States  in  the  approach 
ing  election  at  the  North."  "  It  is  supposed,"  wrote 
Mr.  Benjamin  to  these  gentlemen, "  that  much  good 
can  be  done  by  the  purchase  of  some  of  the  princi 
pal  presses,  especially  in  the  North  and  East." 

This  admission  throws  a  lunar  light  upon  the 
character  of  the  work  expected  of  Mr.  de  Leon  with 
his  $25,000. 

If  Captain  Bullock  was  aware  of  all,  or,  indeed, 
of  any  one  of  the  facts  above  recited,  his  imputa 
tions  against  the  Federal  officers,  whether  well  or 
ill  founded,  come  from  him  with  an  ill  grace.  He 
may  be  one  of  those  short-sighted  Sadduceans  who 
supposed  there  was  to  be  no  resurrection  of  the 
diplomatic  intrigues  of  such  high-toned  officials  as 
those  from  whom  he  took  his  orders.  If  so,  it  is 
only  an  aggravation  of  his  offence;  for  when  he 
penned  and  printed  his  strictures,  a  peace  of  twenty 
years'  duration  had  deprived  him  of  every  pretext 
for  representations  or  misrepresentations  which 
only  a  state  of  flagrant  war  could  have  palliated. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Further  Communications  from  M.  X. — Message  from  General 
Prim.— His  Proposal  to  Sell  Cuba  far  $3,000,000.— The  In 
fant  of  Spain  in  the  Intrigue. 

BEFORE  taking  my  final  leave  of  this  subject,  I 
desire  to  give  one  brief  chapter  more  of  my  expe 
rience  with  M.  X,  who  played  such  an  important 
if  inconspicuous  part  in  the  destruction  of  the  Con 
federate  navy.  I  had  proved  too  liberal  a  client  to 
be  neglected,  and  upon  one  pretext  or  another  I 
was  kept  informed  from  time  to  time  of  his  where 
abouts  and  operations,  his  letters  usually  conclud 
ing  with  some  intimation  obviously  intended  to 
provoke  my  curiosity  and  to  deepen  my  impression 
of  his  importance.  Curiously  enough,  however,  he 
never  presented  himself  in  person. 

Of  one  of  his  communications,  however,  received 
long  after  the  transactions  we  had  together  in  re 
gard  to  the  Confederate  steamers,  I  must  make  a 
note,  for  it  proved  to  have  a  strange  significance, 
and  constitutes  one  of  the  links  in  a  chain  of  events 
of  which  history  may  one  day,  possibly,  recover  the 
links  that  are  missing.  It  reached  me  on  the  25th 
of  October,  1866,  at  Biarritz,  where  the  court  was 
then  residing. 


CUBA  OFFERED  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES.  191 

(Translation.) 

"  VILLA  PLANTES  DU  GRAND  BUREAU, 
AT  CARONAGE,  NEAR  GENEVA,  SWITZERLAND. 

"Dear  Sir, — A  secret  agreement  is  negotiating  at  this  moment 
between  a  European  power  and  General  Prim. 

"  These  are  the  conditions: 

"  The  general  will  receive  three  and  a  half  millions  to  continue 
the  insurrection  in  Spain,  and  some  supplies  of  arms,  powder, 
and  material  of  war. 

"  On  his  side  the  general  engages  that,  as  soon  as  he  succeeds, 
he  will  abandon  all  the  Spanish  Antilles. 

"I  wrote  you  the  4th  of  October  last  on  this  subject.  Your 
silence  leads  me  to  think  your  government  is  not  disposed  to 
occupy  itself  with  this  matter.  However,  if  it  is,  write  me  and 
I  will  repair  to  Paris. 

"General  Miramon  has  informed  me  of  his  departure  for 
Mexico. 

"Accept,  dear  sir,  the  assurance  of  my  perfect  respect." 

This  note  evidently  required  a  reply. 

I  had  no  doubt  of  the  substantial  truth  of  his 
statements,  partly  because  men  of  his  profession 
cannot  afford  to  deceive  their  clients  or  those  whom 
they  wish  to  make  such,  but  more  because  of  a  con 
versation  I  had  held  only  a  few  days  before  receiv 
ing  this  note  with  the  Infante  of  Spain,  whom  I 
met  at  Biarritz,  and  who  seemed  anxious  to  be  recog 
nized  as  the  leader  of  a  revolutionary  party  in  his 
country.  I  will  here  quote  from  my  notes,  made  at 
the  time,  the  substance  of  what  this  brother  of  the 
then  queen  said  to  me,  and  the  substance  of  which 
was  often  the  theme  of  his  conversation  with  me 
during  the  following  winter  in  Paris : 

"BIARRITZ,  October  1, 1866. 

"A  long  talk  this  morning  with  the  Infante  of  Spain,  who 
proposed  darkly  to  make  Cuba  the  price  to  us  of  such  assistance 


192     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

as  the  United  States  might  render  to  the  Spanish  Emigres  to 
overthrow  the  government.  I  asked  him  if  he  had  broached 
this  matter  to  Mr.  Hale.*  He  said  that  Mrs.  Perry,  wife  of  the 
Secretary  of  Legation,  is  a  Spanish  woman,  and  long  served  as  a 
spy  of  the  Spanish  government— that  it  was  not,  therefore,  safe 
to  speak  to  Mr.  Hale.  I  told  him  I  would  see  him  in  Paris.  He 
thinks  the  revolution  is  ready  to  break  out  any  moment;  all  that 
is  wanting  is  a  little  money.  He  avowed  that  his  business  here 
(at  Biarritz)  was  to  intrigue  for  the  movement  and  to  counteract 
the  intrigues  of  France  for  the  extermination  of  the  Bourbon 
race." 

The  Infante  allowed  me  to  receive  the  impression 
that  he  hoped  I  was  inclined  to  put  full  faith  in 
X's  statements,  and  seemed  not  to  doubt  that  he 
was  authorized  directly  or  indirectly  by  Prim  to 
propose  to  me  the  abandonment  of  the  Antilles  by 
Spain  for  three  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars ;  that 
sum  being  enough  to  give  him,  as  he  supposed,  and 
no  doubt  correctly,  the  control  of  the  government. 
But  I  did  not  like  X's  making  such  a  proposal  to 
me  in  writing  instead  of  seeking  a  personal  inter 
view.  Nor  did  I  care  to  put  it  into  the  power  of 
men  engaged  in  such  an  intrigue  as  X's  note  dis 
closed,  to  say  and  be  able  to  prove  that  they  were 
in  correspondence  with  me  upon  the  subject.  Feel 
ing,  besides,  that,  next  to  a  civil  war,  one  of  the 
greatest  calamities  that  could  befall  the  United 
States  would  be  the  acquisition  of  the  Spanish 
Antilles,  I  briefly  replied  to  him  that  I  had  no  in 
structions  from  my  government  which  authorized 
me  to  negotiate  for  the  dismemberment  of  the  ter- 

*  John  P.  Hale,  then  our  Minister  at  Madrid. 


DEATH  OF  PRIM.  193 

ritory  of  any  friendly  power.  This  terminated  my 
correspondence  with  Mr.  X,  and  I  have  never  heard 
from  him  since.  Prim,  who,  in  consequence  of  his 
abortive  rebellion  against  O'Donnell's  government 
in  January  preceding  the  epoch  of  the  above-cited 
correspondence,  was  in  exile  fomenting  disturbances 
and  organizing  rebellion  in  Spain,  finally  succeeded, 
and  in  1868,  in  conjunction  with  Serrano,  Topete, 
and  others,  brought  about  the  revolution  which 
compelled  Isabella  to  abdicate,  and  which  made 
him  President  of  the  Council,  Minister  of  War,  and 
Commander-in-Chief  with  the  rank  of  Marshal. 
After  several  ineffectual  efforts  to  find  a  foreign 
prince  eligible  to  the  throne  of  Spain,  Prim  fixed 
at  last,  on  the  2d  of  July,  1870,  upon  Prince  Leo 
pold,  of  Hohenzollern,  a  choice  which  precipitated 
if  it  did  not  provoke  the  Franco-German  war. 
Obliged  to  abandon  his  first  choice,  he  finally  pre 
vailed  upon  the  Italian  Prince  Amadeus  to  accept 
the  crown,  but  he  himself  was  assassinated  on  the 
very  day  that  Amadeus  landed  in  Spain,  the  28th 
December,  1870.  With  Prim's  death  vanished  prob 
ably  the  only  chance  that  has  ever  yet  occurred 
when  the  United  States  might  have  acquired  any 
of  the  Spanish- American  islands  by  purchase  and 
without  a  war. 
9 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
Conclusion. 

THUS  finally  terminated  the.  naval  operations  of 
the  Confederacy  in  France.  They  proved  abor 
tive  ;  but  very  inconsiderable  changes  in  the  course 
of  events  might  have  given  to  our  civil  war  a  far 
more  tragical  conclusion.  Had  Annan's  ships  been 
ready  for  sea  a  year  sooner,  as  by  his  contract  they 
should  have  been,  when  Mr.  Lincoln's  cabinet  was 
rent  by  dissension,  and  a  presidential  election  was 
pending,  it  is  not  probable  that  any  amount  of 
remonstrance  on  the  part  of  our  diplomatic  agents 
would  have  prevented  their  being  allowed  to  em 
bark  upon  the  predatory  career  for  which  they  were 
designed. 

They  would  not  only  have  opened  every  Con 
federate  port  to  the  commerce  of  the  world,  but 
they  might  have  laid  every  important  city  on  our 
seaboard  under  contribution,  the  most  probable  re 
sult  of  which  would  have  been  a  humiliating  peace 
on  the  basis  of  a  separation  of  the  Confederate 
States  from  the  Union,  or  worse,  a  rupture  be 
tween  the  North  Atlantic  States  and  the  States 
of  the  Northwest. 

Had  the  war  continued  but  a  month  longer,  the 
Stonewall  would  have  had  possession  of  Port  Eoyal, 


CONCLUSION.  195 

and  if  two  months  longer,  the  city  of  New  York 
would  probably  have  lain  at  her  mercy.  One  more 
defeat,  or  one  less  victory  of  the  Union  arms,  would 
certainly  have  given  the  Confederates  one,  and  prob 
ably  four  vessels,  each  more  formidable  than  any 
thing  which  floated  the  Union  Jack.  The  French 
government  intended  these  vessels  should  in  some 
way  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Confederate 
government.  They  only  waited  for  it  to  show 
strength  enough,  or  the  Union  weakness  enough, 
to  establish  a  reasonable  presumption  that  these 
vessels  could  decide  the  contest. 

Happily  the  Confederate  victories  and  Union  de 
feats  did  not  come ;  the  arm  was  palsied  which  was 
to  wield  the  blade  the  emperor  had  been  temper 
ing  for  it,  and  he  found  it  necessary  to  desert  the 
Confederates  as  he  deserted  Maximilian,  or  find 
himself  occupying  a  hostile  attitude  towards  a 
nation  once  more  at  peace  within  its  own  borders, 
and  with  a  million  of  veteran  soldiers  at  its  dis 
posal.  It  required  no  prophet  to  inform  him  that 
to  allow  such  a  crisis  to  mature  would  bankrupt 
his  government  and  cost  him  his  crown,  and  prob 
ably  his  life.  It  was  fear  of  us,  not  respect  for 
his  obligations  either  as  a  neutral  or  a  friend,  which 
made  him  abandon  Arman  and  his  associates.  His 
course  towards  us  from  the  beginning  to  the  end 
of  this  plot  was  deliberately  and  systematically 
treacherous,  and  his  ministers  allowed  themselves 
to  be  made  his  pliant  instruments. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  the  interests  and 
fortunes  of  a  great  historic  state  like  France  being 


196     FRANCE  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  NAVY. 

left  for  one  moment,  in  this  nineteenth  century,  at 
the  mercy  of  a  group  of  men  so  utterly  indifferent  to 
the  commonest  obligations  of  honesty  and  justice. 
We  do  not  comprehend  such  apparent  eccentrici 
ties  of  Providence,  until  we  reflect  that  the  great 
crises  in  the  history  of  our  race,  in  which  we  take 
the  most  pride,  and  to  which  we  are  under  the 
greatest  obligations,  have  been  usually,  if  not 
always,  preceded  by  events  of  which  we  are  most 
ashamed ;  that,  as  it  was  not  until  the  Hebrews 
were  required  to  make  bricks  without  straw  that 
Moses  came,  so  France  would,  in  all  human  proba 
bility,  be  still  writhing  under  a  dynastic  govern 
ment  but  for  the  Bonapartes. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX  A. 


No.  1. 

1  CONSULTER* 

VERS  le  commencement  de  Cannee  1861,  une  insurrection  contre 
le  gouvernement  des  JUtats  -  Unis  d'Amerique  eclata  dans  le  Sud. 
Avant  la  fin  de  cette  annee  les  insurges  s'etaient  organises  sous  le 
titre  d'Etats  Confederes  d'Amerique,  avaient  adopte  une  constitu 
tion,  et  avaient  leve  une  armee  considerable  avec  laquelle  ils  ont 
poursuivi  la  guerre.  Mais  toutes  communications  leur  etant  in- 
terdictes  avec  la  mer  par  un  blocus  que  le  gouvernement  francais  a 
toujours  considers  comme  effectif,  les  confederes  ont  cherche  &  se 
procurer  des  navires  de  guerre  soit  en  Angleterre,  soit  en  France. 

Le  15  Avril,  1863,  une  convention  etait  signee  "entre  M.  J. 
Lucien  Arman,  constructeur  maritime  a  Bordeaux,  Depute  au 
Corps  Legislatif,  d'une  part  et  JAMES  DUNWADY  BULLOCK, 
agissant  d'ordre  et  pour  compte  de  mandats  dont  il  a  produit  les 
pouvoirs  en  regie,  elisant  de  son  cote  domicile  pour  le  present 
traite  cbez  M.  Erlanger  d'autre  part,"  par  lequel  le  dit  Arman 
s'engageait  a  construire  4  bateaux  vapeur,  d'une  grande  vitesse 
avec  machine  de  400  chevaux  de  force  et  disposes  &  recevoir  un 
armemeut  de  10  ou  12  canons  et  autant  que  possible  a"  repondre 
aux  conditions  d'une  corvette  de  la  marine  f  rangaise. 

Le  but  de  ces  vaisseaux  y  est  constate  d'etre  a  etablir  une  com 
munication  reguliere  par  navires  d  vapeur  entre  Shanghai- Bocca, 
Jeddo,  et  San  Francisco  passant  par  le  detroit  de  San  Dieman  et 
aussi  afin  qu'ils  soient  propres  si  le  cas  se  presente  &  6tre  vendus 
soit  d  I' Empire  Chinois  soit  a  celui  du  Japon. 

*  The  words  printed  in  italics  were  underscored  with  pencil  by  M. 
Berryer. 


200  APPENDIX. 

Par  1'article  premier  de  cette  convention  M.  Annan  s'engage 
a  construire  pour  son  compte  dans  ses  chantiers  a  Bordeaux  deux 
des  navires  et  a  confier  a  M.  VORUZ,  aussi  Depute  au  Corps  Le- 
gislatif,  1'exccution  de  deux  autres  na vires  qui  seront  construits 
simultanement  dans  les  cJiantiers  de  Nantes,  sans  entrainer  d'autre 
intervention  on  garantie  de  la  part  de  M.  Arman  que  le  trans 
mission  £  M.  Bullock  des  engagements  que  M.  Voruz  et  les  con- 
structeurs  Nantais  prendront  dans  les  rneines  termes  que  M. 
Arman  lui-mSme  pour  les  navires  qu'il  construire  a  Bordeaux. 
La  vitesse  du  navire  en  eau  morte  devra  6tre  a"  la  vapeur  de  13 
nceuds  aumoins. 

Le  prix  de  chacun  des  navires  construits  et  livres  etait  fixe  a" 
la  somme  de  1,800,000. 

M.  Bullock  s'engage  a  faire  connaitre  an  constructeur  la  maison 
de  banque  qui  serait  chargee  d'effectuer  les  paiemcnts  a"  Paris  et 
qui  accepterait  les  clauses  financieres  du  traite. 

LETTRE  DE  M.  ARMAN  AU  MINISTRE  DE  LA  MARINE  DEMAN 
DANT  L' AUTHORISATION  DE  MUNIR  LES  4  NAVIRES  D'UN  ARME- 
MENT. 

"Juin4,  1863. 

"  Le  4  Juin  suivant  le  mSme  M.  Arman,  constructeur  maritime 
de  Bordeaux,  adressa  a  son  Excellence  le  Ministre  de  la  Marine 
une  lettre  dans  laquelle  il  le  priait  de  lui  accorder  Valorisation 
de  munir  d'un  armemente  de  12  d  14  canons  de  30  quatre  navires  d 
vapeur  en  bois  et  fer  qui  se  construisent  en  ce  moment. 

' '  2  dans  ses  cbantiers  de  Bordeaux. 

"1  chez  M.  Jollet  Babin  d  Nantes. 

1 '  1  chez  M.  Dubigeon  d  2?antes. 

"Ces  navires  ajoute-t-il  sont  destines  par  un  armateur  etran- 
ger  a  faire  le  service  des  mers  de  Cbine  et  du  Pacifique,  entre  la 
Chine,  le  Japon,  et  San  Francisco.  Leur  armement  special  a  en 
outre  pour  but  d'en  permettre  eventuellement  la  vente  aux  gou- 
vernements  de  Chine  et  de  Japon.  Les  canons  seront  executes 
par  les  soins  de  M.  Voruz,  aine,  de  Nantes,  et  les  pieces  accessoires 
de  leur  armement  seront  preparees  a"  sa  convenance  soit  a  Bor 
deaux  soit  £  Nantes.  L'exportation  de  ces  armes  aura  lieu,  enfin 
dans  le  delai  qui  est  necessaire  d,  la  construction  des  navires  qui 
sont  consignes  d  M.  A.  Eymond  et  Delphin  Henry  armateurs  d 
Bordeaux  pour  lesquels  j'ai  dej^  envoye  en  1859  dans  ces  contrees 
sous  pavilion  anglais  le  vapeur  le  Cosmopolite. 


APPENDIX.  201 

"Les  constructions  etant  deja  entreprises  depuis  le  15  Avril 
dernier.  "  Je  prie  votre  Excellence  de  vouloir  accorder  le  plus 
tot  possible  &  M.  Voruz  1'autorisation,  etc." 

Le  6  Juin,  deux  jours  apres  1'envoi  de  cette  lettre,  le  Ministre 
de  la  Marine  accorda  1'autorisation  demandee. 

Le  meme  jour  M.  Voruz,  aine,  fondeur  de  canons  d  Nantes,  que 
M.  Arraau  avait  indique,  aclressa  a  M.  Biakeley ,  fondeur  de  canons 
d  Londres,  la  lettre  suivante : 

COPIE  DE  LA  LETTRE  ADRESSEE  A  M.  BLAKELEY. 

."JuinG,  1863. 

' '  Monsieur  le  Capitaine, — Sur  votre  demande  je  trt  engage  d  vous 
livrer  d'ici  au  10  du  mois  de  Juillet  prochain  la  quantite  de  cinq 
mille  obus  dits  de  30  en  tout  semblables  a  ceux  que  j'ai  livres  & 
1'artillerie  imperiale  sauf  1'alaisement  du  trou  de  la  fusee  qui 
aura  33  m.  m.  au  lieu  de  24  et  le  pas  de  vis  qui  sera  fait  pour  les 
fusees  dont  vous  me  fournirez  le  modele.  Ces  obus  vous  seront 
vendus  au  prix  de  quarante  francs  les  cent  kilogrammes  livres  sous 
vergues  d  Nantes.  Je  me  chargerai  &  vos  frais  et  au  mieux  de 
vos  intents  du  fret  et  de  1'assurance  jusqu'au  port  que  vous  de- 
signerez  en  Angleterre.  Ces  obus  seront  paj^ables  a  Paris  sur 
1'avis  du  connaissement  et  par  le  banquier  que  vous  designerez 
on  bien  je  f crai  traite  sur  vous  a  dix  jours  de  vue  et  vous  envoy- 
ant  1'avis  du  connaissement. 

"Recevez,  Monsieur,  etc. 

41  VORUZ." 

Deux  jours  apre"s  M.  Henri  Arnous  de  Riviere  qui  doit  avoir 
une  commission  sur  ces  divers  contrats  adressa  la  lettre  suivante 
a  M.  Voruz,  aine: 

"  PARIS,  Juin  8, 1863. 
"M.  VORUZ,  AINE,  1  NANTES: — 

"Monsieur,— La  complication  financiere  survenue  aujourd'hui 
dans  1'affaire  dont  le  contrat  a  ete  signe  le  14  Avril  dernier  entre 
M.  Arman,  vous,  le  Capitaine  Bullock  motive  la  proposition  que 
je  viens  vous  soumettre. 

"D'apr£s  nos  calculs  approximatif  les  deux  machines  sont  re- 
presentees  dans  les  3,600,000  frs.  diminues  des  136,800  frs.  de  la 
commission  Erlanger  par  un  chiffre  de  1,220,800  frs.  et  les 
coques  des  deux  bateaux  equipes  pour  une  somme  de  2,242,400 
frs.  Cette  derniere  somme  devant  £tre  rccue  par  les  construc- 

9* 


202  APPENDIX. 

teurs,  je  ne  veux  pas  diininuer  la  commission  de  3£  qu'elle  com- 
porte  &  mon  profit  (soit  67,272  frs.). 

"Mais  comme  il  se  peut  faire  que  dans  cette  operation  vous 
ayez  &  supporter  seul  le  poids  de  la  commission  Erlanger  je 
viens  vous  offrir  de  laisser  en  suspens  la  somme  de  36,624  frs. 
qui  me  serait  due  sur  les  1,220,800  frs.  des  machines  jusqu'a  ce 
que  vous  soyez  assure  de  votre  revenu  dans  1'affaire. 

"  Au  cas  ou  notre  benefice  sur  les  machines  serait  moindre  de 
187,000  frs.  je  consens  &  supporter  le  deficit  sur  cette  somme 
dans  la  proportion  de  37  a  150  (a  savoir  37  pour  ma  part  et  150 
pour  la  votre). 

"  Veuillez  agreez  Vassurance,  etc. 

"H.  ARNOUS  DE  RIVIERE." 

Le  15  Juilkt  suivant,  M.  Voruz,  aine,  s'adressait  au  Ministre  de 
la  Marine  dans  les  termes  suivants : 

"Monsieur  le  Ministre, — Par  votre  lettre  en  date  du  6  Juin 
dernier  vous  avez  bien  voulu  m'autoriser  a  executer  dans  mes 
usines  a  Nantes  les  canons  necessaires  a  l'armement  de  quatre 
navires  dont  deux  sont  en  construction  a  Bordeaux  dans  les 
chantiers  de  M.  Arman  et  deux  dans  les  chantiers  de  Nantes." 

II  demande  ensuite  la  permission  de  visiter  I'etablissement  du 
gouvernement  a  Rueil  pour  voir  les  ameliorations  eff  ectuees  dans 
1'outillage  et  dont  il  pourrait  profiler. 

Cette  autorisation  lui  fut  accordee  par  une  lettre  du  Ministre 
de  la  Marine  du  9  Aoiit. 

Le  10  Juin  M.  Arman  adressa  la  lettre  suivante  a  M.  Voruz: 

"BORDEAUX,  Juin  10,  1863. 

"Clier  Monsieur  Voruz, — Je  vous  accuse  reception  de  votre  lettre 
chargee  du  9,  et  du  mandat  de  Bullock,  frs.  720,000.00  qui  etait 
inclus. 

"  Je  m'empresse  de  vous  donner  d'echarge  ainsi  que  vous  le 
desirez  des  pieces  que  vous  avez  signees  aux  mains  de  M,  Bul 
lock  pour  le  premier  paiement  des  deux  navires  de  400  chevaux 
que  je  construis  pour  le  compte  des  fitats  Confederes  simultane- 
ment  avec  ceux  qui  vous  sont  confies  et  que  vous  faites  construire 
par  Messieurs  Jollet  et  Babin  et  DuMgeon. 

"  Je  vous  remets  ci-joint  un  plan  de  ce  navire  et  je  fais  executer 
en  ce  moment  celui  des  emmenagements. 

"II  reste  cnfin  a  regulariser  entre  nous  les  frais  de  consigna- 


APPENDIX.  203 

lion,  de  surveillance,  d'expedition  par  la  maisoii  A.  Eymond 
et  Delphin  Henry  &  Bordeaux  et  par  le  capitaine  Feneira. 

"Comme  vous  le  savez  ces  frais  s'elSveront  de  32  &  35  mille 
francs  dont  la  moitie  doit  vous  incomber.  Vous  vondrez  bien 
m'autoriser  a  m'en  couvrir  sur  vous  au  fur  et  a  mesure  de  leur 
paiement. 

"Enfin  cher  monsieur  et  ami  nous  aliens  faire  ensemble  de 
notre  mieux  pour  que  cette  fourniture  importante  soit  aussi  bien 
faite  que  possible  et  en  vous  remerciant  de  votre  intervention 
ces  jours  derniers,  je  vous  prie  de  faire  en  sorte  d'obtenir  de  M. 
Bullock  la  promesse  de  nous  rembourser  en  fin  de  compte  des  es- 
comptes  de  garantie  que  nous  payons  SL  M.  Erlanger. 

"Je  serai  tres  probablement  Lundi  a*  Paris  afin  d'encaisser 
moi-mSme  le  mandat  que  vous  m'avez  envoye. 

"Recevez,  etc.  H.  ARMAN. 

"P.S. — Le  plan  ne  peut  que  demain,  faut-il  1'expedier  &  Paris 
ou  &  Nantes?" 

II  est  evident  que  les  vaisseaux  dont  il  est  question  dans  cette 
lettre  sont  les  m6mes  que  ceux  pour  lesquels  la  semaine  proce- 
dente  une  autorisation  avant  ete  demandee  par  un  armateur 
etranger  et  sous  le  pretexte  de  faire  la  course  des  mers  de  Chine 
et  du  Pacifique.  Us  sont  construits  sur  les  mSmes  cbantiers  et 
sont  consignes  a  la  meme  maison.  La  seule  difference  digne  de 
remarque  est  celle  que  cette  lettre  nous  revele,  a"  savoir  que  I'ar- 
mateur  etranger  n'est  autre  que  les  JEtats  Confederes  pour  le 
compte  desquels  M.  Arman  dit  expressement  les  construire. 
Dans  cette  m£me  lettre  M.  Arman  accuse  reception  de  720,000 
frs.  payes  par  Bullock  ft  titre  de  ler  &  compte  sur  2  des  navires 
qu'il  construit  dans  les  chantiers  de  Bordeaux. 

Ce  M.  Bullock  ici  mentionne  agissait  en  qualite  d'agent  en 
Europe  pour  les  £tats  Confederes  depuis  le  commencement  de 
la  rebellion.  II  etait  specialement  charge  des  achats  et  de  la 
construction  des  vaisseaux  destines  £  faire  la  guerre  contre  le 
commerce  et  le  gouvernement  des  fitats-Unis. 

On  voit  par  cette  lettre  que  M.  Arman  indique  M.  Erlanger 
comme  le  banquier  qui  garantit  le  march 6  contracte  par  M.  Bul 
lock  au  nom  du  gouvernemeut  confedere.  Le  meme  jour  que 
cette  lettre  etait  ecrite  M.  Arman  telegraphiait  de  Bordeaux  &  M. 
VORUZ  alors  &  Paris,  le  message  suivant : 


204  APPENDIX. 

"GRAND  HOTEL,  PARIS. 

"  VORUZ, — J'ai  signe  sans  modifications  la  lettre  tl  Erlanger. 
Elle  est  au  courrier.  ARMAN." 

La  lettre  dont  il  est  question  dans  ce  telegram  contenait  exacte- 
ment  les  engagements  aux  quels  se  reporte  la  lettre  suivante  en- 
voyee  par  M.  Erlanger  a  M.  Voruz: 

"Monsieur, — Voici  les  lettres  d'engagements,  le  contrat  et  la 
copie.  Comme  vous  habitez  sous  le  m6me  toit  que  le  CAPITAINE 
BULLOCK,  vous  aurez  peut-6tre  1'obligeance  de  lui  faire  certifier 
la  copie  du  contrat. 

"J'ai  ecrit  directement  &  M.  Arman. 

"Recevez,  monsieur,  etc. 

' '  EMILE  ERLANGER. 

"PARIS,  Jutn9,lSG3. 
"M.VoBuz,  aind,  de  Nautes,  Grand  Hotel  (Paris)." 

Le  mSrne  jour,  10  Juin,  ce  qui  n'avait  etc  jusque  1&  qu'une 
simple  convention  verbale  devenait  un  engagement  ccrit  comme 
le  prouve  la  lettre  de  Messrs.  Jollet  et  Babin  a  Messrs.  Dubigeon  et 
fits  tous  les  deux  constructeurs  de  navires  a  Nantes  auxquels  nous 
avons  dejil  vu  que  M.  Arman  confiait  simultanement  la  construc 
tion  des  vaisseaux  pour  le  compte  des  confederes. 

"PARIS,  Juin  10,  1863. 

"  Mon  chcr  Voruz, — Apres  avoir  pres  connaissance  des  condi 
tions  financieres  qui  vous  ont  ete  faites  par  la  maison  Erlanger 
ainsi  que  les  lettres  intervenues  entre  vous  et  M.  Slidell  et  Bul 
lock  nous  venous  vous  rappeler  nos  conventions  verbales  afin  de 
bien  preciser  nos  positions  respectives  dans  cette  affaire.  Dans 
leprix  total  de  1,800,000  frs.  la  machine  et  ses  accessoires  enu- 
meres  dans  la  lettre  du  7  Mai,  1863,  de  M.  Mazeline  a  M.  Arman 
seront  comptes  &  raison  de  1607  frs.  par  cheval  soit  642,800  frs. 
Le  coque  nous  sera  paye  1,157,200  frs.  dont  les  versements  nous 
seront  faits  au  fur  et  a  mesure  de  la  rentree  des  termes. 

"  II  est  entendu  que  chacun  de  nous  reste  responsable  de  1'en- 
tiSre  execution  du  contrat  en  ce  qui  le  concerne  et  que  toutes  les 
commissions  et  frais  imprevus  seront  payes  par  cbacun  au  pro- 
rata  de  la  somme  qui  lui  est  attribute. 

"Dans  le  cas  ou  M.  Mazeline  refuserait  de  garantir  seul  la 
vitesse  de  13  noeuds  portee  au  contrat,  il  est  entendu  que  cette 
garantie  sera  commune  entre  nous  et  que  les  dommages  et  interCts 


APPENDIX.  205 

qui  pourraient  §tre  reclames  si  la  vitesse  n'etait  pas  atteinte  serai- 
ent  partages  par  moitie,  nous  ref erant  &  cet  egard  aux  conditions 
intervenues  entre  Messrs.  Gourn  et  Mazeline  pour  la  construction 
de  la  fregate  Italienne,  Castelfidardo. 
"Agreez,  etc. 

"  G.  D.  JOLLET  ET  BABIN, 

"  J.  DUBIGEON  ET  FlLS." 

II  ressort  de  cette  lettre  que  cbacun  de  ces  constructeurs  s'en- 
gage  &  livrer  un  de  ces  na vires  moyennant  certains  arrangements 
financiers  conclus  avec  M.  Erlanger  et  apres  lecture  d'une  cor- 
respondance  echangee  entre  Messrs.  Arman,  Slidell,  et  Bullock. 
M.  Slidell  est  1'agent  actuel  de  £tats  Confederes. 

M.  Mazeline  indique  au  dernier  paragraphe  est  le  chef  de  la 
raaison  Mazeline  et  Cie.  du  Havre  qui  doit  construire  les  ma 
chines  pour  les  4  navires  en  question. 

La  complicite  de  cette  maison  dans  ce  qu'elle  appelle  le  marche 
Bullock  est  nettement  reconnue  dans  la  lettre  suivante  du  23 
Juin  adressee  a  M.  Yoruz: 

"LE  HAVRE,  Juin  23,  1863. 
"M.  I.  VORUZ,  aine,  Constructeur  a  Nantes: — 

"Monsieur, — En  paraphant  il  y  a  quelques  jours  le  marche  Bul 
lock  nous  avons  omis  vous  et  nous  de  redresser  une  erreur  de 
dimension  des  machines. 

' '  La  premiere  specification  portait  que  le  diamStre  interieur 
de  chaque  cylindre  serait  de  1  m.  50  cm. ;  la  course  des  pistons 
de  1  m. ;  le  nombre  de  tours  de  56. 

' '  Vous  devez  vous  rappeler,  Monsieur  que  sur  nos  observations 
et  pour  avoir  des  helices  dont  le  pas  et  le  nombre  de  tours  soient 
en  harmonic  avec  le  maitre  couple  irnmerge  et  la  vitesse  de- 
mandee,  il  a  ete  adrnis  qu'il  fallait  des  cylindres  ayant  1  m.  40  cm., 
diamStre  interieur  de  pistons  ayant  0  m.  95  cm.  de  course,  et  une 
quantite  de  revolutions  de  68  par  minute. 

"Nous  ne  mettons  pas endoute  que  nous  soyions d'accord  mais 
pour  la  bonne  r£gle,  nous  vous  prions  de  nous  ecrire  que  ces  der- 
nierer  mesures  qui  sont  en  construction  sont  bien-celles  convenues 
entre  nous. 

"Dans  1'attente  de  votre  reponse  nous  avons  1'honneur,  etc. 

"MAZELINE  ET  GEE." 


206  APPENDIX. 

LETTRE  DE  M.  Vonuz  au  Ministre  de  la  Guerre  POUR  UNE  AUTO- 

RISATION  A  FAIRE  FAIRE  DES   CANONS  48  ET  DES  MUNITIONS 
POUR  LES  4  NA VIRES. 

Le  29  Juillet,  1863,  M.  Voruz  demanda  au  Ministre  de  la  Guerre 
1'autorisation  de  construire  dans  ses  usines  ji  Nantes,  48  canons 
de  30  par  M.  Annan  dans  sa  lettre  du  4  Juin.  Chaque  canon 
devant  6tre  muni  de  200  obus  cylindre-coniques  avec  les  acces- 
soires  necessaires.  Cette  autorisation  f ut  accordee  par  une  lettre 
du  ministSre  datee  le  9  Aout.  Trois  lettres  de  M.  Voruz  et  de 
son  fils  datees  des  14,  15,  et  17  Juillet  expliquent  suffisament  le 
caractere  de  ce  marche : 

"PARIS,  Juillet  14,  1863. 

"Mon  cJier  Anthony, — Le  Capitaine  Bullock  et  Annan  sont 
partis  hier  pour  Bordeaux  ainsi  que  M.  Erlanger.  Je  crains  bien 
qu'ils  soient  dans  1'obligation  de  traiter  avec  Annan  pour  les 
namres  blindes.  Pout-Sire  peut-on  craindre  qu'Arman  ne  fasse 
des  propositions  &  M.  Erlanger  pour  sa  petite  chaloupe. 

"Mais  ne  t'arrSte  pas  &  mes  inquietudes.  Continuez  a  faire 
des  plans  bien  fails  et  ayant  bonne  mine  et  coinme  il  pourrait  se 
faire  que  Bullock  et  Arman  se  rendent  a  Nantes  en  revenant  de 
Bordeaux,  tenez-vous  prSts  &  les  recevoir  et  si  je  suis  prevenu  a" 
temps  de  leur  arrivee  a  Nantes  je  partirai  pour  vous  aider  a"  les 
recevoir.  Ainsi  done  ne  m'envoyez  pas  ces  dessins  avant  que  je 
ne  les  demande. 

' '  Comme  je  1'ai  annonce  par  depeche  1'affaire  avec  Blakeley 
est  faite  et  tres-bonne  surtout  avec  la  fourniture  des  200  boulets 
par  pieces.  Le  marche  est  ferme  pour  48  pieces,  mais  le  marche 
est  fait  d'une  maniere  qui  nous  assure  la  fourniture  exclusive  de 
tout  ce  qui  pourra  Stre  execute  en  France. 

' '  Le  courrier  me  presse  et  je  suis  oblige  de  m'arr^ter. 
"  Voici  le  prix  de  base  de  1'atelier: 

La  fonte 700  frs.  la  tonne. 

Lefer  forge 2000   " 

L'acier 2000   " 

Le  bronze 5000   " 

"Les  48  pieces  de  30  sont  vendues  la  piece  a  Bullock,  7000  frs. 

"Nous  donnerons  sur  ce  prix  &  Blakeley  10$  sur  ce  chiffre 
soit  700  frs.  Le  reste  c'est  a  dire  la  difference  entre  notre  prix 
d'atelier  et  les  6300  frs.  sera  partage  moitie  pour  Blakeley  et 
1'autre  %  des  benefices  se  partagera  entre  Arnous  et  nous. 


APPENDIX.  207 

"  Les  boulets  nous  sont  toujours  payes  40  frs.  les  %  k.  et  nous 
ne  devrons  rien  a  Blakeley. 

"  Tache  que  Petermann  m'envoie  surtout  la  piece  qui  constate 
que  1'affaire  Perrier  a  ete  signifiee  &  Gaelic.  Si  d'autres  pieces 
sont  prates  qu'il  me  les  envoie  egalement. 

"N.  B. — Bien  des  choses  a  tout  le  monde  et  dis  a"  ta  mere  que 
je  me  porte  bien  et  annonce  lui  cette  bonne  affaire. 

"Tout  a"  toi,  J.  VORUZ,  aine. 

"  P.  S. — J'ai  le  plan  de  la  machine  a  vanier  les  canons." 

"NANTES,  Juillet  15,  1863. 

"  Mon  cJier  pere, — J'ai  recu  ta  lettre  de  ce  matin.  Tous  ces 
messieurs  etant  partis  pour  Bordeaux  je  crains  bien  que  1'affaire 
batterie  soit  coulee.  II  est  possible  que  n'etant  pas  sur  les  lieux 
je  vois  de  travers  mais  je  pensais  que  cette  affaire  aurait  pu  se 
traiter  comme  la  premiere.  C'est  a  dire  trouver  ou  ecrire  a  Ar- 
man  et  lui  dire  nous  partagerons  par  la  moitie  car  enfin  nos  des- 
sins  etaieut  pre^ts  hier  et  par  consequent  nous  etions  dans  1'affaire 
aux  monies  litres  que  Arman  Dailleurs  de  toutes  facons  il  est  in 
dispensable  que  Arman  eut  une  portion  de  1'affaire  'pour  les 
autorisations  de  sortie.' 

"Maintenant  s'il  n'est  enfin  pas  possible  d'avoir  une  portion 
des  bateaux  il  faut  absolument  que  Arman  te  donne  quelques 
machines.  Je  crois  qu'en  le  chauffant  il  peut  difflcilement  s'y 
refuser.  Quand  nous  serons  la  nous  avons  tous  les  elements 
pour  faire  notre  prix  de  revient  bien  exact. 

"Maintenant  je  crois  qu'il  faut  s'arranger  avec  Arnous  pour 
que  Bullock  s'il  ne  vient  pas  &  Nantes  repasse  par  Paris  en  re- 
venant  de  Bordeaux  par  ce  qu'alors  nous  irons  1'y  trouver  dessins 
en  mains. 

"Tu  me  dis  dans  ta  lettre  que  tu  as  traite  les  canons  mais 
as-tu  traite  aussi  les  affuts  ?  Ensuite  tu  as  traite  les  boulets 
mais  quel  est  leur  mode  de  paiement  ?  Et  puis  ces  bombes 
etaut  pour  les  canons  des  4  bdtiments  elles  devront  recevoir  £ 
Nantes  leurs  fusees,  leurs  ailettes.  Est-ce  que  ce  sera  nous  qui 
garnirons  ainsi  ces  obus  et  y  a-t-il  un  prix  de  convenu  pour 
cela  ou  sera  ce  1'anglais  qui  nous  fournira  ailettes  et  fusees 
et  alors  dans  ce  cas  combien  nous  paiera-t-on  pour  leur  pose  sur 
les  obus  ? 

"  L 'anglais  £  a-t-il  donne  Vadresse  ouexpedier  les  5000  projectiles 
faits  et  la  maniSre  de  tirez  sur  lui  ? 

"Puis  ces  obus  sont-elles  en  tout  semblables  aux  5000 
faites  ? 


208  APPENDIX. 

"  II  f audrait  qu'il  signe  le  dessin  de  canon  que  tu  as  en  1'ap- 
prouvant. 

"II  f  audrait  qu'il  nous  donne  ensuite  les  indications  neces- 
saires  qu'il  nous  avait  promises  a  savoir:  le  diametre  exact  du 
canon  exterieuremeut  et  celui  exact  des  rondelles  (acier  interieur). 
Ces  deux  diametres  devant  §tre  fixes  par  1'inventeur  par  rapport 
a  la  retraite,  ces  cercles  etant  entres  &  chaud. 

"  Ci  inclus  la  liste  des  prix  pour  materiel  cbeinins  de  fer  pour 
1'Italie  (affaire  Lavaure). 

"  J'ai  fait  ta  commission  a  Petermann. 

"  Maintenant  je  vais  te  donner  mon  opinion  sur  1'affaire  boulets 
et  canons. 

"1.  L'affaire  boulets  a  ete  arrangee  avec  Arnous  telle  qu'il 
partage  avec  nous  le  benefice  en  dessus  de  27  frs.,  il  n'y  a  done 
rien  £  dire  et  cependant  cel&  lui  fait  en  definitive  16%  de  com 
mission. 

"En  effet  40  frs.  prix  de  vente  27  frs.=13  frs.,  ^8-=6.5  com 
mission  pour  Arnous  et  6.5  de  boni  pour  nous. 

"  Or  le  prix  de  vente  etant  40  frs.  on  peut  dire:  6. 5: 40:: x:  100. 

"x=lQ  done  Arnous  &  \Q%  sur  les  obus  ce  qui  est  loin  d'une 
commission  de  3  ou  5  %. 

"2.  L'affaire  Arnous  me  fait  a  moi  1'effet  d'un  gaspillage  re- 
marquable  sur  les  deniers  de  1'acbeteur,  mais  une  cbose  frappe 
surtout  c'est  1'enormite  des  commissions  des  tiers,  commissions 
qui  egalent  et  surpasscnt  non  seulement  la  notre  mais  aussi  notre 
gain  comme  constructeur  et  cependant  c'est  nous  qui  avons  tout 
1'embarras  et  les  responsabilites.  Voil&  pourquoi  je  trouve  notre 
part  insuffisante  relativement  aux  autres  ce  qui  n'empCcbe  pas 
que  c'est  une  bonne  affaire  pour  nous. 

"  Voici  quelques  cbiffres: 

Prix  d'atelier  concede. 

Un  canon  (  fonte 2632  k.  a  0.70 frs.  1842.40 

se  com-  ]  acier 640      a  2.00 1280.00 

pose  de  (  fer 10      a  2.00 21.00 

Prix  d'atelier  concede  pour  un  canon frs.  3143.40 

"Or  le  prix  de  revient  que  nous  en  avions  fait  inontait  a 
3160  frs.  Tu  vois  done  que  le  prix  d'atelier  concede  est  &  trfis- 
peu  de  cbose  pr£s  le  notre  c'est,  done  bon. 

Or  le  prix  vendu  §,  Bullock  est frs.  7000 

Blackley  prend  d'abord  10#  soit 700 

7000  -   700      =frs.  6300 
6300  -  3143.40=frs.  3156.60 


APPENDIX.  209 

Prix  d'atelier. 
C'est  cette  difference  de frs.  3156.60 

Dont  Blakeley  prend  la  moitic  soit 1578.30 

Arnous  % 789.15 

A  nous  1'autre  % 789.15 

Ce  qui  nous  fait  en  definitive  une  com 
mission  de 789.15  x  48  =37,879.20 

Puis  pour  Arnous  la  me'me  chose  soit 37,879.20 

Puis  pour  Blakeley 1578.30  x  700  x  48=109,358.40 

"Ce  sont  les  deux  chiffres  de  Arnous  et  de  Blakeley  que  je 
trouve  formidables  par  rapport  £  nous  constructeurs. 

"  Car  en  ramenant  en  centiemes  Blakeley  prend  32$  et  sur  1'af- 
faire  qui  nous  reste  apres  que  Blakeley  a  enleve  ses  32$  Arnous 
prend  16$.  L'affaire  est  faite;  il  n'y  a  done  pas  &  revenir,  seule- 
meut,  c'est  la  1'effet  que  j'ai  eprouve. 

"II  faudrait  pendant  que  tu  es  &  Paris  te  procurer  un  ciseleur 
pour  un  an  pour  toutes  nos  statues.  Tu  sais  qu'il  n'est  pas  be 
som  d'un  ciseleur  No.  1. 

"  Je  te  serre  la  main,  ANTHONY. 

"Les  pieces  Gache  sont  encore  a  1'enregistrement  nous  te  les 
enverrons  demain  si  nous  ne  les  avons  que  demain  matin,  mais 
peut-^tre  les  aurai-je  ce  soir;  dors  Perregault  te  les  portera. 

"  Je  t'envoie  les  prix  pour  materiel  chemins  de  fer.  Ces  prix 
sont  tres  bas:  traite  done  plus  baut  si  c'est  possible. 

"Deplus  ces  prix  lie  comportent  pas  les  droits  d'entree  pour 
1'Italie  que  nous  n'avons  jamais  pu  savoir  exactement.  Us  serai- 
ent  done  en  plus. 

"  Le  Drawback  est  tout  deduit." 

"  PARIS,  Juillel  17, 1863. 

"  Mon  cher  Anthony,— Je  ne  te  parle  plus  de  1'affaire  canons  et 
boulets,  elle  est  faite.  Cependant  je  te  dirai  que  nous  ne  devons  les 
boulets  que  comme  les  autres.  Si  nous  faisons  du  travail  nous 
demanderons  paiement  avant  d'executer  pour  ce  que  nous  de- 
vrons  faire  en  dehors  de  ce  que  nous  avons  fait  sur  les  5000  que 
nous  executions. 

"  Je  me  suis  reserve  la  fourniture  des  aHuts,  si  le  prix  nous 
convient  et  pour  bien  apprecier  ce  prix,  M.  Blakeley  va  nous  en- 
voyer  un  affut  en  nature. 

"Le  paiement  de  cette  fourniture  se  fera  la  leire  traite  au  17 
Octobre  pour  6035  livres  c'est  a  dire  150,875  frs.  ce  qui  forme 
environ  le  tiers  de  la  fourniture. 

' '  Je  vais  m'enteudre  avec  lui  pour  le  2eme  tiers,  le  3erne  se 
fera  en  livrant. 


210  APPENDIX. 

"  Les  boulets  que  nous  aliens  faire  sont  en  tout  semblables  aux 
5000  que  nous  venons  d'executer,  ne  les  fais  pas  commencer  de 
suite. 

"  Nous  allons  tirer  de  suite  a  6  seraaines  pour  le  montant  des 
5000  boulets  qui  doivent  8tre  dans  ce  moment-ci  executes. 
Donne-moi  par  retour  du  courrier  leur  poids,  si  tout  n'est  pas 
encore  termine  Ton  peut  malgre  cela  me  donner  un  poids  telle- 
ment  apprecie  que  celil  suffit. 

"Si  M.  Blakeley  est  encore  &  Paris  je  lui  ferai  accepter  les 
traites  comme  je  vais  le  faire  aujourd'hui  pour  les  150,875  frs. 
dont  je  te  parle  d'autre  part.  II  desire  que  nous  gardions  ces 
5000  projectiles  &  Nantes  jusqu'a  nouvel  ordre  de  sa  part. 

"  Le  dessin  de  canon  est  signe  par  lui. 

"  II  nous  donnera  plus  tard  les  indications  de  detail. 

"  Je  suis  completement  de  ton  avis  sur  ce  que  tu  appelle  le  gas- 
pillage  de  commission  mais  il  f  allait  commencer  comme  cela"  et  en 
definitive  1'affaire  est  excellente  surtout  lorsque  Ton  y  comprend 
les  9600  boulets  et  je  suis  bien  aise  de  te  dire  que  je  suis  convain- 
cu  que  cette  affaire  aura  des  suites  qui  nous  seront  profi tables. 

"Le  prix  des  canons  ne  comporte  que  de  canon  seul  mais 
complet  avec  lumiere  percee  et  mire. 

"  Je  recois  aujourd'hui  une  lettre  d'Arnous  de  Bordeaux  qui 
me  dit  qu' Annan  vient  de  signer  le  marche  pour  deux  canno- 
niSres  bliudees  de  300  cbevaux  de  force  pour  deux  millions 
cliaque.  II  me  prie  de  1'attendre  &  Paris  ou  il  ne  sera  de  retour 
que  dimanche  soir  par  la  raison  qu'il  est  alle  &  Eive  de  Gier  chez 
Petin  et  Gaudet  avec  Bullock. 

"II  faut  done  m'envoyer  les  plans  de  Dubigeon  et  les  instruc 
tions  necessaires  pour  ebaucher  cette  affaire.  II  faut  tocher  que 
Dubigeon  fasse  connaitre  le  prix  qu'il  demande  pour  son  navire. 
Puis  tu  me  donneras  en  m£me  temps  celui  que  tu  suppose  pour 
la  machine. 

"  II  va  sans  dire  que  tu  vas  m'envoyer  en  mSme  temps  le  plan 
du  petit  bateau  Erlanger.  (II  ne  faut  pas  dire  a  Dubigeon  qu'Ar- 
man  a  vendu  2,000,000  cbaque  cannoniere.) 

"II  faut  que  Dubigeon  et  toi  vous  vous  teniez  pr£ts  a  partir 
pour  Paris  aussitot  que  je  vous  previendrai. 

"  II  faut  egalement  me  dire  de  suite  quelle  quantite  nous  pour- 
rions  trailer  et  si  Jollet  et  Babin  seraient  decides  a  en  construire. 
Tache  de  me  dire  cel&  par  retour  du  courrier  ou  au  plus  tard 
pour  dimanche  puisque  je  dois  causer  avec  Arnous  dimanche  soir. 

"N'oublie  pas  de  donner  connaissance  de  ma  lettre  &  ta  m£re 
car  je  lui  avais  annonce  mon  arrivee  pour  cette  semaine,  tandis 
que  je  ne  sais  plus  au  juste  quand  je  partirni  de  Paris. 


APPENDIX.  211 

"  Soigne  ton  rhume  et  n'oublie  pas  de  m'envoyer  de  suite  les 
plans  et  les  details  que  je  demande. 

"Ci  inclus  une  lettre  d'Arnous  qui  indique  1'avancement  des 
2  bateaux  qu'Arman  construit. 

"Tout  a  toi,  J.  VORUZ,  aine." 

Dans  les  lettres  cidessus  M.  Voruz  park  de  negotiations  entre 
M.  Arman  et  le  Capitaine  Bullock  pour  la  construction  de  2 
cannonieres  blindees  de  300  chevaux  de  force  devant  couter 
2,000,000  frs. 

Or  ces  negotiations  ont  pour  objet  une  commande  distincte  de 
celle  des  4  bateaux  a  vapeur  qui  font  1'objet  du  contrat  du  15 
Avril. 

Dejft  M.  Arraan  avait  soumis  les  plans  d'une  batterie  canno- 
niere  &  M.  Maury  "  contre-amiral  des  Mats  Confed&res  d'Ame- 
rigue,"  et  dans  la  lettre  ou  se  trouvait  cette  offre  il  ecrivait: 

"Le  baliment  que  je  propose  est  enfin  un  navire  complet  et  je 
m'engage  dans  le  delai  d'un  mois  aprds  la  signature  du  marche  & 
vous  f ournir  la  preuve  de  1'autorisation  de  sortie  de  rarmement 
que  vous  aurez  &  mettre  sous  ce  navire." 

Pendant  ces  negotiations,  M.  Arnous  de  Riviere  adressa  & 
M.  Voruz  le  lettre  suivante: 

"LONDHES,  Jmn28,  1863. 

"Mbn  cJier  M.  Voruz, — AprSs  bien  des  demarches,  des  lettres, 
des  dep^ches,  des  voyages,  et  autres  ennuis  dont  je  vous  epargne 
le  detail  j'ai  flni  par  reunir  a  Londres.  Blakeley,  Bullock,  et 
Husset,  je  crois  que  nous  en  viendrons  &  bonne  fin  de  notre 
marche  d'artillerie.  ...... 

"  Ce  nouveau  systeime  de  canon  semble  prendre  faveur,  et  la 
Russie  fait  a  Blakeley  des  offres  considerables  pour  qu'il  etablisse 
une  fonderie  ^-  St.  Petersbonrg  sous  sa  surveillance.  II  cherchait 
un  fondeur  et  j'ai  saisi  cette  occasion.  II  y  a  Id  une  grosse  af 
faire.  Je  vais  vous  1'amener  £  Nantes  coute  que  coflte  et  nous 
ne  le  laisserons  partir  sans  traites. 

"  Je  vous  envoie  maintenant  les  plans  et  specifications  de  ces 
canons  ainsi  que  le  prix  auquel  ils  sont  manufactures  a"  Liverpool 
par  la  inaison  Foster  et  Cie.  Je  vous  prie  de  livrer  la  chose  a 
1'etude  sans  retard.  J'attends  aussi  avec  impatience  les  plans 
pour  le  petit  bateau  cannoniere  de  250,000  frs.  et  ceux  plus  im- 


212  APPENDIX. 

portants  de  corvettes  blind  ees  de  1,500,000  frs.  Les  marches 
pourraient  se  passer  de  suite.  Je  vous  en  prie  faites  que  ces 
plans  et  pro  jets  soient  priHs  sans  retard  croyez  bien  que  mes  ap 
preciations  de  temps  sont  justes  et  qu'il  faut  nous  hater  d'obtenir 
ces  commandes.  La  concurrence  grossit  chaque  jour  et  les  evene- 
ments  qui  se  deroulent  a  1'avantage  de  nos  clients  les  rendent  de 
plus  en  plus  exigeants  et  de  moins  en  moms  necessiteux. 

"  Je  serai  &  Paris  mercredi  je  voudrais  bien  y  trouver  ces  do 
cuments." 

"  LONDRES,  Juin  9. 

"  J'ai  interrompu  cette  lettre  hier  afin  de  la  completer  au- 
jourd'hui  par  des  renseignements  plus  exacts.  A  Liverpool  on 
fond6  pour  Blakeley  ses  canons  a  raison  de  320  livres  sterlings 

soit  environ  8000  frs frs.  8,000 

II  les  vend  aux  confederes  480  livres  sterlings  soit 12,000 

Reste  par  piece  un  benefice  de  -ffo  soit frs.  4,000 

"  Son  marche  avec  la  maison  Foster  est  celui-ci: 
"Les  fondeurs  ont  etabli  leur  prix  d'atelier  &  tant  le  k.  pour  la 
fonte,  pour  le  fer  forge  et  pour  1'acier.    Ce  prix  leur  etant  apres 
le  benefice  partage  &  savoir  pour  Blakeley  ^%  preleves  d'abord 
et  puis  la  %  du  reste,  le  reliquat  au  fondeur. 

"Exeraple  un  canon  pesant  300  k.  se  decomposerait  en: 

fonte 1000  &    500  frs.  la  tonne frs.      500 

fer  forge 1000  &  1250  "        1,250 

acier 1000  &  3500  "        3,500 

Pour  le  fondeur  total  prix  alloue frs.  5,250 

Le  canon  se  vend  par  exemple frs.  8,000 

5,250 

Benefice frs.  2,750. . .        2,750 

•$$  preleves  sur  le  benefice  pour  le  brevet 
Blakeley  soit 275 

Benefice  comme  reste frs.  2,475 

Dont  moitie  pour  le  fondeur  en  dehors  de  son 
prix  d'atelier  soit frs.  12,375 

"Votre  prix  devant  £tre  tel  que  vous  puissiez  fabriquer  ce 
serait  le  benefice  en  dehors  c-a-d.  les  123,750  frs.  que  nous  auri- 
ons  a  partager  ensemble.  Tous  ces  cb  iff  res  ne  sont  que  des 
exemples  pour  vous  donner  une  idee  de  1'affaire. 

"J'ai  insiste  pour  que  dans  cette  operation  nous  ayons  droita 
la  moite  du  brevet  en  France  pour  ces  canons  afin  d'eviter  toute 
concurrence. 


APPENDIX.  213 

"  Repondez-moi  maintenant  &  Paris  si  vous  etes  disposes  3  un 
marche  de  ce  genre.  Si  votre  presence  etait  necessaire  je  vous 
telegraphierais  de  Paris  et  vous  auriez  la.bonte  de  venir.  Pre- 
parez-vous  aussi  &  vendre  la  Comtesse  Lubo. 

' '  Je  suis  pr£t  a  conclure  un  avantageux  marche.  Tenez  cepen- 
dant  la  chose  secrete  surtout  pour  mon  pere  qui  n'en  recevra  pas 
moins  sa  part  de  benefices  mais  qui  parle  beaucoup  trop. 

"  Au  revoir  prochainement  mon  cher  M.  Voruz  et  croyez-moi 
toujours  votre  tres  affectionne, 

"HENRI  ARNOUS  RIVIERE. 

"51  rue  de  la  Pepiuiere,  Paris." 

Un  contract  pour  deux  navires  a  helices  f  ut  signe  le  16  Juillet 
suivant,  un  jour  avant  que  la  nouvelle  n'en  fut  dounee  par  M. 
Voruz  3,  son  fils. 

En  voici  les  termes: 

"ENTRE  LES   SOUSSIGNES. 

"L.  Arman,  constructeur  maritime  &  Bordeaux,  Depute  au 
Corps  Legislatif,  quai  de  la  Monnaie,  No.  6,  et  nous  James  Duu- 
wady  Bullock  agissant  d'ordre  et  pour  compte  de  mandant  dont  il 
a  produit  les  pouvoirs  en  regie,  elisant  domicile  pour  ce  present 
traite  chez  M.  M.  Emile  Erlanger,  rue  de  la  Chaussee  d'Antin,  21, 
a  Paris. 

"Ont  ete  arr^tees  les  conditions  suivantes: 

"Art.  1.  M.  Arman  s'engage  envers  M. Bullock,  qui  1'accepte, 
d  construire  pour  son  compte,  dans  ses  chantiers  de  Bordeaux 
deux  batiments  helices  &  vapeur  a*  coque  bois  et  fer  de  800  che- 
vaux  de  force  a  2  helices  avec  deux  Blockhaus  blindes  conformes 
au  plan  accepte  par  M.  Bullock. 

"  Ces  navires  auront  les  dimensions  principales  suivantes: 

Pieds  anglais. 
Longueur  de  perpendiculaire  a  perpen- 

diculaire 52.40  m. .  .171.10 

Longueur  au  maitre  hors  menches 9.00       . .  29.5 

id.  blindage 10.00       ..  32.8 

"Creux  sur  quille  a  la  ligne  droit  des  bans: 

Pieds  anglais. 

Tirant  d'eau  du  pont 9.20  m. . .  17. 

id.  au  milieu 4.40       .  .14.4 

"Vitesse  minimum  par  mer  calme  douze  no3uds. 
"Art.  2.  Ces  navires  recevront  une  nature goe"lette  d  humiers. 
"Les  pieces  de  mature  seront  en  bois  de  choix  et  de  pin  rouge 
pour  les  pieces  principales, 


214  APPENDIX. 

"Le  greement  dormant  sera  en  fil  de  fer  et  les  manoeuvres  cou- 
rantes  seront  en  chanvre  premier  brin  product  mecanique. 

"Les  voiles  seront  en  toile  de  lin  de  No.  proportionne  a"  1'im- 
portance  des  voiles. 

"Les  aussi£res  et  amarre  seront  en  nombre  et  dimensions  suf- 
fisantes. 

"Les  chalnes  et  les  ancres  seront  de  force  et  dimensions  pro- 
portionnees  au  navire. 

"Les  ferrements  seront  executes  avec  le  plus  grand  soin  tant 
pour  la  coque  que  pour  la  mature  le  greement  et  le  pauliage.  Us 
comprendront  en  outre,  les  pitons  et  les  crocs  pour  canons  places 
dans  la  muraille  et  le  pont  du  navire. 

"Les  embarcations  seront  au  nombre  de  quatre  elles  seront 
voilies  et  garnies  de  leurs  accessoires. 

"Art.  3.  Chaque  batiment  sera  livre  dans  les  monies  conditions 
que  les  corvettes  clippers  complement  muni  de  ces  agres  appa- 
raux  et  ustensiles  de  toutes  sortes.  Des  specifications  comprend 
ront  1'enumeration  de  tous  les  objets  de  detail  qui  sont  neces- 
saires  aux  divers  maitres  pour  armement  et  rechange  y  compris 
la  fourniture  des  objets  reclames  pour  la  table  et  la  literie  de 
1'etat-major. 

"Resteront  seuls  &  la  charge  de  M.  Bullock,  les  canons  les 
armes,  les  projectiles,  les  poudres,  les  vitres,  le  combustible  et 
enfin  les  salaires  et  les  vivres  de  1'equipage. 

"Les  charbons,  etc.,  pour  les  epreuves  seront  fournis  par  M. 
Arman. 

"Art.  4.  La  cliarpente  de  la  coque  sera  executee  suivant  les 
prescriptions  d'un  devis  detaille  d'execution. 

"Elle  sera  lamee  chevillee  et  doublee  en  cuivre  rouge. 

"Le  matelas  sous  la  cuirasse  sera  en  bois  de  Peack  de  llnde. 

"Les  barrats,  la  casenigue  et  les  vaigres  seront  executes  en  fer. 

"Les  enmenagements  de  la  cale et  ceux  de  1'entre-pont  seront 
etablis  conformement  au  plan  de  detail. 

"  Tous  les  materiaux  seront  egaux  a  ceux  de  m£me  espSce  en 
trant  dans  la  marine  francaise. 

"Art.  5.  Les  bailments  seront  munis  d'une  machine  d  vapeur  de 
300  chevaux  deforce,  de  200  kilogrametres  le  cheval  d  condensation 
construite  par  M.  Mazeline  du  Havre. 

"  Une  specification  fera  connaltre  les  dimensions  des  princi- 
pales  pieces  de  cette  machine. 

"  Les  helices  seront  en  bronze  &  4  ailes. 

"Les  machines  devront  pouvoir  mouvoir  les  2  helices  Jl  la 
fois  ou  une  seule  en  avant  et  1'autre  en  arriere. 


APPENDIX.  215 

"  Les  chaudieres  auront  leurs  soupapes  chacune  de  1  k.  60  par 
centimetre  carre  et  seront  du  systeme  tubulaire,  avec  tubes  en 
laiton  elles  seront  sous  la  ligne  de  flottasion  et  conforines  pour 
les  dimensions  des  materiaux  aux  types  de  la  marine  Imperiale 
frangaise. 

"  tin  appareil  distillataire  sera  attache  aux  chaudi£res  de  ma- 
mere  a  6tre  place  sous  la  surveillance  du  mecanicien. 

"Art.  6.  Les  deux  navires  devront  6tre  admis  et  preHs  a*  faire 
leurs  essais  dans  un  delai  de  10  mois. 

"La  reception  s'effectuera  &  Bordeaux  et  les  navires  seront 
conduis  &  la  mer. 

"Art.  7.  La  Vitesse  des  navires  a  la  vapeur  par  mer  et  en  temps 
calme  ne  devra  pas  6tre  moindre  de  12  noeuds. 

' '  La  calaison  maximum  a"  l'arri£re  ne  devra  par  depasser  4  m.  60. 

"Les  sautes  devront  6tre  d'une  capacite  de  280  Ib.  de  charbon 
elles  en  rocevront  200  aumoins  pour  le  chargement  normal  par 
rapport  au  tirant  d'eau. 

"  Le  poids  reserve  a  1'artillerie  et  ses  accessoires  dans  le  calcul 
general  des  poids  d'armement  est  de  60. 

"Art.  8.  Les  plaques  de  fer  composant  la  cuirasse  seront  de  12, 
11, 10, 9  cent,  d'epaisseur  disposes  conformement  aux  indications. 

"  Elles  seront  fabriquees  par  Messrs.  Petin  Gaudet  de  Rive  de 
Gier  et  soumises  a"  des  epreuves  equivalent  a"  celles  de  la  machine 
Imperiale. 

"Art.  9.  Le  prix  de chacun  de  ces  navires  construits  et  livres 
dans  les  conditions  qui  precedent  est  fixe  a"  la  somme  de  2  mil 
lions  de  francs  qui  sera  payee  a  Paris 
£  comptant, 

J  lorsque  le  navire  sera  monte  en  trois  bads, 
£  lorsque  les  barrels  du  pont  serait  en  place, 
|  a"  la  mise  a  1'cau, 
J  a"  la  livraison. 

• '  Art.  10.  II  pourra  6tre  apper^u  en  sus  le  prix  des  navires  une 
retenue  de  mille  francs  par  chaque  jour  de  retard  au  del&  du 
delai  fixe  pour  la  livraison. 

"Art.  11.  M.  Bullock  a  designe  la  maison  E.  Erlanger  et  Cie. 
comme  etant  chargee  d'effectuer  les  paiements  a  Paris  et  devant 
acceptes  les  clauses  financieres  du  present  traite. 

"  Art.  12.  Les  navires  et  les  machines  seront  pendant  leur  con 
struction  assures  centre  1'incendie  pour  une  valeur  aumoins  egale 
aux  sommes  revues  en  &  compte. 

"Fait  double  a  Bordeaux  le  16  Juillet,  1863. 

"  ARMAN  et  JAMES  D.  BULLOCK." 


216  APPENDIX. 

Dans  les  lettres  des  14  et  17  Juillet  M.  Voruz  parle  aussi  d'une 
convention  passee  entre  lui  et  Blakeley  pour  48  canons  et  200 
boukts  par  piece.  La  lettre  suivante  donne  la  commande  finale: 

"PARIS,  Juillet  14,  1863. 

"  Mon  cJter  monsieur,  —  Votre  lettre  d'aujourd'bui  donne  1'ex- 
plication  dont  j'avais  besoin  sur  notre  convention  avec  lettres 
des  11,  12,  et  13  courant.  Elle  met  notre  affaire  sur  un  bon  pied. 
En  consequence  je  vous  prie  de  faire  faire  tout  de  suite  48  canons 
de  30  et  9600  obus  suivant  les  dessins  que  je  wus  ai  donnes.  De-' 
main  nous  nous  mettrons  d  'accord  sur  les  essais  et  les  prix. 

'  '  Je  suis,  monsieur,  etc.  J.  M.  BLAKELEY. 

"AM.  Voacz,  ain6,  cle  Nantes." 


Plus  tard  M.  Voruz  recut  de  M.  Bullock  une  lettre  de  laquelle 
il  resulte  qu'ils  traitaient  pour  un  plus  grand  nornbre  de  canons. 
Voici  la  copie  de  la  lettre: 

"LIVERPOOL,  Aout  12,  1863. 

"  J'ai  re$u  M.  Voruz  votre  lettre  du  4  ct.  avec  les  indications 
de  prix  du  canon  de  30  et  de  ses  accessoires.  II  ne  m'est  pas 
possible  de  dire  si  je  vous  donnerai  un  ordre  positif  et  direct 
pour  de  semblables  canons  avant  d'avoir  appris  du  Capitaine 
Blakeley  comment  1'affaire  de  son  propre  modele  de  canon  cercle 
a  ete  comprise.  Je  serais  cependant  cbarme  de  trailer  une  affaire 
avec  vous,  si  nous  pouvons  nous  accorder  sur  les  conditions; 
nous  discuterons  tout  celd  quand  j'irai  a  Nantes.  II  est  dans 
mes  intentions  de  confier  mes  affaires  SL  aussi  pen  de  mains  que 
possible  et  j'espere  que  nous  tomberons  d'accord  sur  tous  les 
points  essentiels  de  telle  sorte  que  nos  relations  pourront  prendre 
une  plus  grande  extension  meme  en  cas  de  paix,  notre  gouverne- 
ment  aura  besoin,  sans  doute  pendant  un  certain  temps  de  s'adres- 
ser  en  France  pour  la  construction  de  ses  taisseaux  et  machines  et 
pour  ce  qui  me  concerne  personellement,  je  serai,  enchante  que 
les  rapports  que  j'ai  eu  avec  vous  vous  amenassent  pour  1'avenir 
a  des  commandes  plus  considerables  encore. 

"  Veuillez  S.  V.  P.  m'informer  si  les  corvettes  avancent  et  me 
dire  quand  les  seconds  paiements  seront  dus. 

"  Je  vous  ecrirai  une  semaine  avant  mon  arrivee  rl  Nantes. 

"  BULLOCK." 

De  1'expose  qui  vient  d'etre  fait  et  des  documents  qui  1'accom- 
pagncnt  il  resulte: 


APPENDIX.  217 

1.  Que  M.  Arman  de  Bordeaux  construit  actuellement  dans 
ses  chantiers  deux  steamers  de  guerre  et  deux  steamers-beliers 
pour  la  marine  des  soi-disants  ^tats  Confederes  d'Amerique. 

2.  Que  Messrs.  Jollet  et  Babin  et  Messrs.  Dubigeon  et  fils  de 
Nantes  construisent  deux  autres  steamers  de  guerre  sur  le  mgme 
modele  et  sous  les  mSmes  conditions  et  pour  le  m6me  objet  que 
M.  Arman. 

3.  Que  Messrs.  Mazeline  et  Compagnie  du  Havre  construisent 
des  machines  soit  pour  plusieurs  de  ces  vaisseaux  soit  pour  tous. 

4.  Que  M.  Voruz  de  Nantes  fabrique  pour  ces  vaisseaux  58 
canons  et  des  munitions  en  grande  quantite. 

5.  Que  M.  Erlanger  est  1'agent  financier  par  rintermediaire 
duquel  1'argent  des  £tats  Confederes  est  verse  entre  les  mains  de 
ceux  qui  se  chargent  de  ces  navires  et  que  c'est  lui  qui  garantit 
le  parfait  paiement. 

6.  Que  Bullock  est  1'agent  qui  fournit  les  modeles  des  navires 
et  qui  signe  les  contrats  pour  le  compte  des  £tats  Confederes. 

7.  Enfin  que  M.  Blakeley  de  Londres  donne  les  modeles  de 
canons  et  de  leurs  munitions  et  partage  le  profit  resultant  du 
contrat  pour  la  fourniture  des  munitions  aux  dits  navires. 

Ces  fails  etant  etablis  donnent  lieu  aux  questions  suivantes: 

1.  Ceux  qui  y  ont  participe,  out-ils  viole  les  lois  franchises  et 
peuvent-ils  £tre  poursuivis  judiciairement? 

2.  S'ils  ont  viole  les  lois  francaises  de  quel  crime  se  sont-ils 
reudus  coupables  et  quelles  peines  ont-ils  encourues? 

3.  Quelle  marche  convient-il  de  suivre  pour  deferer  ces  faits 
coupables  ft  la  Justice? 


No.  2. 
CONSULTATION  DE  M.  BERRYER. 

L'ANCIEN  avocat  soussigne, 

Vu  le  memoire  &  consulter  presente  au  nom  du  gouvernement 
des  ^tats-Unis  d'Amerique,  ensemble  les  pieces  justificatives  qui 
y  sont  jointes, 

Deliberant  sur  les  questions  qui  lui  sont  soumises, 
10 


218  APPENDIX. 

EST  D'AVIS  DBS  RESOLUTIONS  SUIVAKTES: 

De  1'expose  contenu  dans  le  memoire  £  consulter,  et  des  docu 
ments  qui  1'accompagnent,  resulte  la  preuve  complete  des  fails 
qu'il  importe  d'abord  de  resumer. 

En  1861,  au  mois  de  Fevrier  plusieurs  £tats  du  Sud  de  1'Ame- 
rique  septentrionale,  regie  alors  par  la  Constitution  federate  des 
fitats-Unis,  resolurent  de  se  separer  des  £tats  du  Nord,  et  se 
reunirent  en  un  Congres  pour  constituer  le  gouvernement  des 
£tats  Confederes  d'Amerique.  La  guerre  entre  les  confederes  et 
le  gouvernement  federal  eclata  dans  le  mois  d'Avril. 

Au  10  Juin  de  la  m6me  annee,  parut  dans  la  partie  officielle 
du  Moniteur  une  declaration  soumise  par  le  Miuistre  des  Affaires 
filrangeres  a  1'Empereur  des  Fran£ais  et  revalue  de  son  approba 
tion. 

Par  cet  acte  solennel,  1'Empereur  preuant  en  consideration 
1'etat  de  paix  qui  existe  entre  la  France  et  les  Etats-Unis  d'Ame- 
rique  resolut  de  maintenir  une  stricte  neutralite  dans  la  lutte  en- 
gagee  entre  le  gouvernement  de  1'  Union  et  les  £tats  qui  preten- 
dent  former  une  confederation  particulifire, 

Declare  entre  autres  dispositions : 

"  .  .  .  3.  II  est  interdit  d  tout  Fran9ais  de  prendre  commission 
de  1'une  des  deux  parties  pour  armer  des  vaisseaux  de  guerre  .  .  . 
ou  de  concourir  d'une  manieTe  quelconque  &  1'equipement  ou 
1'armement  d'un  navire  de  guerre  ou  corsaire  de  1'une  des  parties. 

". .  .  .  5.  Les  Francais  residant  en  France  ou  a  1'etranger  de- 
vront  egalement  s'abstenir  de  tout  fait  qui,  commis  en  violation 
des  lois  de  1'Empire  ou  du  droit  des  gens,  pourrait  £tre  considere 
comme  un  acte  hostile  a  1'une  des  deux  parties  et  contraire  &  la 
neutralite  que  nous  avons  resolu  d'adopter." 

La  declaration  imperiale  se  termine  en  ces  termes : 

"Les  contrevenants  aux  defenses  et  recommaudations  conte- 
nues  dans  la  presente  declaration  seront  poursuivis,  s'il  y  a  lieu, 
conformement  aux  dispositions  de  la  loi  du  10  Avril,  1825,  et  aux 
articles  84  et  85  du  Code  penal,  sans  prejudice  de  1'application 
qu'il  pourrait  y  avoir  lieu  de  faire  auxdits  contrevenants  des  dis 
positions  de  1'article  21  du  Code  Napoleon,  et  des  articles  65  et 
suivants  du  decret  du  24  Mars,  1852,  sur  la  marine  marchande, 
313  et  suivants  du  Code  penal  pour  1'armee  de  mer." 


APPENDIX.  219 

Malgre  cette  declaration  publique  de  la  neutralite  de  la  France, 
malgre  les  prohibitions  f ormelles  qu'elle  prononce  conformeinent 
aux  regies  du  droit  des  gens  et  aux  dispositions  speciales  des  lois 
francaises,  une  convention  a  ete  conclue  le  15  Avril,  1863,  cntre 
M.  Lucien  Arman,  constructeur  maritime  a  Bordeaux,  et  le  capi- 
taine  James  Dunwady  Bullock,  Americain,  agent  du  gouverne- 
ment  des  Etats  Conf  ederes  du  Sud,  stipulant  dans  cet  acte  d'ordre 
et  pour  compte  des  mandats  qu'il  ne  fait  pas  connaitre,  et  dont, 
est-il  dit,  il  a  produit  les  pouwirs  en  regie.  Pour  1'execution  du 
traite,  M.  Bullock  elit  domicile  cliez  M.  Erlanger,  banquier,  a 
Paris. 

Par  ce  traite,  M.  Arman  "  s'engage  a  construire  quatre  bateaux 
a  vapeur  de  quatre  cent  clievaux  de  force  et  disposes  il  recevoir 
un  armement  de  dix  9,  douze  canons." 

II  est  stipule  que  M.  Arman  construira  dans  ses  chantiers  a 
Bordeaux  deux  de  ces  navires,  et  confiera  d  M.  Voruz  1'execution 
des  deux  autres  navires,  qui  seront  construits  simultanement  dans 
les  chaniiers  de  Nantes. 

Pour  deguiser  la  destination  de  ces  quatre  navires,  il  est  ecrit 
dans  1'acte  qu'ils  doivent  etre  consacres  &  "  etablir  une  commu 
nication  reguliere  entre  Shang-ha'i.  Yeddo,  et  San  Francisco,  pas 
sant  par  le  detroit  de  Van-Diemen,  et  aussi  qu'ils  doivent  6tre 
propres,  si  le  cas  se  presente,  &  (Hre  vendus  soit  SL  1'empire  chinois, 
soit  a  1'ernpire  du  Japon." 

"Enfin  M.  Bullock  s'engage  a  faire  connaitre  aux  construc- 
teurs  la  maison  de  banque  qui  sera  chargee  d'effectuer  S,  Paris 
le  pavement  du  prix  de  ckacun  de  ces  navires,  fixe  a  la  soinme 
1,800,000  frs. 

Le  1  Juin  suivant,  M.  Arman,  pour  se  conformer  a  1'ordon- 
nance  royale  du  12  Juillet,  1847,  adressa  a  M.  le  Ministre  de  la 
Marine  la  demande  d'une  autorisation  de  munir  d'un  armement 
de  douze  &  quatorze  canons,  de  30,  quatre  navires  £  vapeur  en 
bois  et  fer,  en  construction,  deux  dans  ses  cliantiers  d  Bordeaux, 
un  cliez  Messrs.  Jollet  et  Babin  d  Nantes,  un  cTiez  M.  Dubigeon  d 
Nantes. 

"  Ces  navires,  est-il  dit  dans  la  lettre  adressee  au  ministre,  sont 
destines  par  un  armateur  Stranger  &  faire  le  service  des  mers  de 
Chine  et  du  Pacifique  entre  la  Chine,  le  Japon,  et  San  Francisco- 


220  APPENDIX. 

Leur  armement  special  a  en  outre  pour  but  (Ten  permettre  even- 
tuellement  la  vente  aux  gouvernements  de  Chine  et  du  Japon. 

"Les  canons  seront  executes  par  les  soins  de  M.  Voruz,  aine, 
de  Nantes." 

La  lettre  de  M.  Arman  se  termine  en  ces  mots: 

"...  Les  constructions  etant  dejjl  entreprises  depuis  le  15 
Avril  dernier,  je  prie  Votre  Excellence  de  vouloir  bien  accorder 
le  plus  tot  possible  a"  M.  Voruz  1'autorisation  que  je  sollicite  et 
que  present  1'ordonnance  royale  du  12  Juillet,  1847." 

Sur  cet  expose  et  pour  la  destination  supposee  des  quatre  na- 
vires,  1'autorisation  f  ut  accordee  par  M.  le  Ministre  de  la  Marine, 
des  le  6  Juin,  ainsi  qu'elle  etait  demandee  par  M.  Arman. 

Le  m^me  jour,  6  Juin,  1863,  M.  Slidell,  'autre  agent  du  gou- 
vernement  des  £tats  Confederes,  adressait  a  M.  Arman  la  lettre 
suivante: 

"En  consequence  de  1'autorisation  ministerielle  que  vous 
.m'avez  montree  et  que  je  juge  suffisante,  le  traite  du  15  Avril 
devient  obligatoire." 

Trois  jours  apr£s,  le  9  Juin,  M.  Erlanger,  banquier  3,  Paris, 
chez  qui  M.  Bullock  avait  pris  domicile  dans  le  traite  du  15 
Avril,  et  qui  devait  garantir  les  pavements  aux  constructeurs, 
ecrivait  a  M.  Erlanger: 

' '  Je  m'engage  a"  vous  garantir  les  deux  premiers  payements 
des  navires  que  vous  construisez  pour  les  Confederes,  moyennant 
une  commission,  etc." 

Les  conditions  financiers  proposees  par  M.  Erlanger  furent 
acceptees  par  M.  Arman,  qui,  le  m6me  jour,  le  9  Juin,  adressa  a 
M.  Voruz,  a  Nantes,  le  telegramme  suivant: 

"  X  M.  VORUZ,  Grand  Hotel,  Paris. 

"  J'ai  signe,  sans  modification  la  lettre  a  Erlanger;  elle  est  au 
courrier.  ARMAN." 

De  son  cote,  M.  Erlanger  ecrivait,  sous  la  meme  date,  d  M. 
Voruz,  a  Nantes: 

"Voici  les  lettres  d'engagements,  le  contrat  et  la  copie. 
Comme  vous  habitez  sous  le  meme  toit  que  le  capitaine  Bullock, 


APPENDIX.  221 

vous  aurez  peut-etre  1'obligeance  de  lui  faire  signer  la  copie  du 
contrat.    J'ai  ecrit  directement  a  M.  Arman.    Recevez,  etc." 

Le  lendemain  10  Juin,  M.  Arraan  adressait  &  M.  Voruz  une 
lettreainsi  concue: 

1 '  Cher  M.  V&ruz, — Je  vous  accuse  reception  de  votre  lettre 
chargee  du  9  et  du  mandat  de  Bullock  de  720,000  frs.  qui  etait 
inclus.  Je  m'empresse  de  vous  donner  decharge ;  ainsi  que  vous 
le  desirez,  des  pieces  que  vous  avez  signees  aux  mains  de  M.  Bul 
lock  pour  le  premier  payement  des  deux  namres  de  400  chevaux 
queje  construis  pour  le  compte  des  Confederes,  simultanement  avec 
ceux  que  vous  faites  construire  par  Messrs.  Jollet  et  Babin,  et 
Dubigeon.  .  .  . 

"  Je  vous  prie  de  faire  en  sorte  d'obtenir  de  M.  Bullock  la 
promesse  de  nous  rembourser  en  fin  de  compte  des  escomptes  de 
garantie  que  nous  payons  a"  M.  Erlanger. 

"Recevez,  etc." 

D'autre  part,  Messrs.  Jollet  et  Babin,  et  Dubigeon  fils,  charges 
de  la  construction,  dans  leurs  chantiers,  a"  Nantes,  de  deux  des 
quatre  navires,  ainsi  qu'il  est  dit  dans  la  lettre  adressee  le  1 
Juin  par  M.  Arman  &  M.  le  Ministre  de  la  Marine,  ecrivaient  le 
10  du  rne'me  mois  a  M.  Voruz: 

"Mon  clier  Voruz, — Apres  avoir  pris  conuaissance  des  condi 
tions  financieres  qui  vous  ont  ete  faites  par  la  maison  Erlanger, 
ainsi  que  des  lettres  intervenues  entre  vous  et  Messrs.  Slidell  et  Bul 
lock,  nous  venons  vous  rappeler  nos  conventions  verbales,  afin  de 
bien  preciser  nos  positions  respectivcs  dans  cette  affaire." 

D'autres  personnes,  avec  entieTe  connaissance  de  la  veritable 
destination  de  ces  constructions  et  de  ces  armements  maritimes, 
devaient  prendre  une  part  notable  dans  les  benefices  de  1'opera- 
tion  et  supporter  proportionnellement  les  escomptes  de  garantie 
stipules  en  faveur  de  M.  Erlanger.  C'est  pour  s'entendre  sur  ce 
dernier  objet  que  M.  Henri  Arnous  Riviere,  negotiant  a"  Nantes, 
ecrivait  des  le  8  Juin  a"  M.  Voruz,  aine:  "  La  complication  finan- 
ciere  survenue  aujourd'lmi  dans  1'affaire  dont  le  contrat  a  ete  signe 
le  15  Avril  dernier  entre  M.  Arman  vous  et  le  capitaine  Bullock, 
motive  la  proposition  que  je  viens  vous  soumettre." 

Messrs.  Mazeline  et  Cie.,  du  Havre,  etaient  charges  de  la  con- 


222  APPENDIX. 

fection  des  machines  &  vapeur  pour  les  quatre  navires  &  helice 
dont  les  coques  se  construisaient  dans  les  cliantiers  de  Bordeaux 
et  de  Nantes.  Mais  ignoraient-ils  la  veritable  destination  de  ces 
batiments  de  guerre  lorsqu'ils  ecrivaient  a  M.  Voruz,  aine,  le  23 
Juin,1863: 

"Monsieur,  en parapliant,  il y  a  quelques  jours,  le marcJie Bul 
lock,  etc.,  nous  avons  omis,  vous  et  nous,  de  redresserune  erreur 
de  dimension  des  machines,  etc.— Nous  vous  prions  de  nous 
ecrire  que  ces  demises  mesures,  qui  sont  en  construction,  sont 
bien  celles  convenues  entre  nous." 

Tout  etait  done  parfaitement  concerte  entre  les  divers  partici 
pants,  pour  1'execution  du  traite  passe  le  15  Avril,  1863,  entre  M. 
Arman,  constructeur  francais,  et  M.  le  capitaine  Bullock.  Ce 
traite  a  ete  expressement  ratifie  par  M.  Slidell,  agent  diploma 
tique  des  £tats  Confederes,  suivant  sa  lettre  adressee  &  M.  Ar 
man,  le  6  Juin,  1863. 

Les  autorisations  ministerielles  exigees  par  la  loi  franQaise  pour 
la  construction  et  1'armement  des  bailments  de  guerre,  ont  ete 
accordees;  1'ad ministration  ayant  sans  doute  ete  abusee  par  la 
pretendue  destination  qu'un  armateur  etranger  devait  donner  a 
ces  navires  de  guerre  dans  les  mers  de  Chine  et  du  Pacifique,  et 
par  la  condition  exentuelle  de  les  vendre  aux  gouvernements  de 
Chine  ou  du  Japon.  Mais  leur  destination  veritable  pour  le  ser 
vice  des  £tats  belligerants  du  Sud  est  parfaitement  connue  de 
tous  les  interesses.  Les  constructions  des  vaisseaux,  de  leurs 
machines,  de  leurs  armements  sont  en  pleine  activite.  Les  paye- 
ments,  garantis  aux  constructeurs  par  une  maison  de  banque 
puissante,  sont  en  partie  effectues. 

Une  seconde  operation  doit  avoir  lieu.  Le  14  Juillet,  1863, 
M.  Voruz,  aine,  ecrivant  de  Paris  a"  son  fils  M.  Anthony,  lui  an- 
nonce  que  le  capitaine  Bullock  et  M.  Arman  sont  partis  la  veille 
pour  Bordeaux  ainsi  que  M.  Erlanger,  banquier,  et  qu'il  s'agit 
d'un  traite  pour  des  navires  blindes.  En  m§me  temps  il  lui  dit 
qu'une  affaire  est  faite  avec  un  sieur  Blakelcy,  fondeur  anglais; 
pour  la  fourniture  de  48  pieces  de  canon  avec  200  boulets  par 
pifice.  Le  marche  dit-il,  est  fait  d'une  maniere  qui  nous  assure 
la  fourniture  exclusive  de  tout  ce  qui  pourra  etre  execute  en 
France. 


APPENDIX.  223 

Le  15  Juillet,  le  m3me  M.  Voruz,  en  rappelant  a"  M.  le  Ministre 
de  la  Marine  que,  par  sa  lettre  en  date  du  6  Juin,  il  a  bien  voulu 
1'autoriser  a  executer  dans  ses  usines,  a  Nantes,  les  canons  neces- 
saires  a"  1'armement  de  quatre  navires,  dont  deux  sont  en  construc 
tion  d  Bordeaux,  dans  les  cliantiers  de  M.  Arman,  et  deux  dans 
les  chantiers  de  Nantes,  demande  au  ministre  ' '  la  permission  de 
visitor  1'etablissement  du  gouvernement  &  Ruelle,  pour  avoir  les 
ameliorations  effectuees  dans  1'ou tillage,  etc."  Cette  permission 
fut  accordee  le  9  Aout. 

Une  nouvelle  convention  est  signee  double  Ji  Bordeaux  le  16 
Juillet,  1863. 

"Entre  M.  Arman,  constructeur  maritime  &  Bordeaux,  depute 
au  Corps  Legislatif,  quai  de  la  Monnaie,  6,  et  M.  James  Dunwady 
Bullock,  agissant  d'ordre  et  pour  compte  de  xnandants  dont  il  a 
produit  le  pouvoirs  en  re~gle,  elisant  domicile  chez  M.  Emile  Er- 
langer,  rue  de  la  Chaussee  d'Antin,  21,  a"  Paris: 

"  Ont  ete  arrStees  les  conventions  suivantes: 

"Art.  1.  M.  Arman  s'engage  envers  M.  Bullock,  qui  1'accepte, 
&  construire  pour  son  compte,  dans  ses  chantiers  de  Bordeaux, 
deux  bailments  helices  &  vapeur,  &  coque  bois  et  fer,  de  300 
clievaux  de  force,  &  deux  helices,  avec  deux  blockJiaus  Uindes, 
conformes  au  plan  accepte  par  M.  Bullock. 

"Art.  3.  Resteront  seuls  a  la  charge  de  M.  Bullock  les  canons, 
les  armes,  les  projectiles,  les  poudres,  le  combustible  et  enfin  les 
salaires  et  les  vivres  de  1'equipage. 

"Art.  5.  Les  batiments  seront  munis  d'une  machine  il  vapeur 
de  300  chevaux  de  force  de  200  kilogrametres  le  cheval,  a  con 
densation,  construite  par  M.  Mazeline  du  HSvre. 

"  Art.  6.  Les  deux  navires  devront  £tre  admis  et  pre^ts  &  faire 
leurs  essais  dans  un  delai  de  dix  mois. 

' '  Art.  9.  Le  prix  de  chacun  de  ces  navires  est  fixe  3,  la 
somme  de  2  millions  de  francs  qui  sera  payee  &  Paris  un  cin- 
quieme  comptant. 

"Art.  11.  M.  Bullock  a  designe  la  maison  E.  Erlanger  et 
Cie.,  comme  etant  chargee  d'effectuer  les  payements  &  Paris  et 
devant  accepter  les  clauses  financieres  du  present  traite." 

Le  17  Juillet,  M.  Voruz,  aine,  ecrit: 

"  Je  recois  aujourd'hui  une  lettre  d'Arnous,  de  Bordeaux,  qui 
me  dit  qu'Arman  vient  de  signer  le  marche  pour  2  canonni£res 
blindees  de  300  chevaux  de  force,  pour  deux  millions  chaque." 


224  APPENDIX. 

Enfin,  le  12  Aout,  M.  Bullock,  reste  charge  par  1'article  3  du 
traite  du  16  Juillet  ci-dessus,  des  canons,  des  armes,  des  projec 
tiles,  etc.,  pour  les  deux  canonniercs  blindees,  adressait  &  M. 
Voruz  la  lettre  suivante: 

"LIVERPOOL,  Aout  12,  1863. 

"  J'ai  rccu,  M.  Voruz,  votre  lettre  du  4  courant,  avec  les  indica 
tions  de  prix  du  canon  de  30  et  de  ses  accessoires.  II  ne  m'est 
pas  possible  de  dire  si  je  vous  donnerai  un  ordre  positif  et  direct 
pour  de  semblables  canons  avant  d'avoir  appris  du  capitaine 
Blakeley  comment  1'affaire  de  son  propre  modele  de  canon  cercle 
a  ete  comprise.  Je  serais  cependant  charme  de  trailer  une  affaire 
avec  vous,  si  nous  pouvons  nous  accorder  sur  les  conditions. 
Nous  discuterons  tout  cela  quand  j'irai  a  Nantes. 

"  II  est  dans  mes  intentions  de  confier  mes  affaires  &  aussi  peu 
de  mains  que  possible,  et  j'espere  que  nous  tomberons  d'accord 
sur  tous  les  points  essentiels,  de  telle  sorte  que  nos  relations  pour- 
ront  prendre  une  plus  grande  extension  meme  en  cas  de  paiz. 
Notre  gouvernement  aura  besoin,  sans  doute,  pendant  un  certain 
temps  de  s'adresser  en  France  pour  la  construction  de  ses  vaisseaux 
et  machines,  et,  pour  ce  qui  me  concerne  personnellement,  je 
serais  enchante  que  les  rapports  que  j'ai  eus  avec  vous  vous 
amenassent  pour  1'aveuir  a  des  commandes  plus  considerables 
encore. 

"  Veuillez,  s'il  vous  plait,  m'informer  si  les  corvettes  avancent 
et  me  dire  quand  les  seconds  payements  seront  dus. 

"  Je  vous  ecrirai  une  semaine  avaut  mon  arrivee  a  Nantes. 

"  BULLOCK." 

Les  termes  de  cette  lettre  s'appliquent  evidemment  au  projet 
d'armement  des  deux  canonnieres  blindees  dont  la  construction  a 
ete  1'objet  du  traite  passe  &  Bordeaux,  le  16  Juillet,  entre  Messrs. 
Arman  et  Bullock.  Ce  dernier,  capitaine  au  service  de  la  con 
federation  des  JStats  du  Sud,  a  agi  d'ordre  et  pour  compte  de  son 
govvernement.  II  n'est  pas  possible  de  meconnaitre  que  ces  deux 
canonnieres  sont,  ainsi  que  les  quatre  navires  pour  lesquels  avait 
ete  conclu  le  marche  du  15  Avril  precedent,  destinees  au  service 
des  £tats  Confederes  du  Sud  dans  la  guerre  qu'ils  soutiennent 
contre  les  fitats  federaux  de  1'Amerique  du  Nord. 

La  preuve  materielle  de  ces  fails  resulte  Irop  evidemment  des 
conventions  passees  entre  les  diverses  personnes  qui  ont  participe 
^  leur  realisation,  et  de  la  correspondance  echangee  entre  elles 


APPENDIX.  225 

pour  le  reglement  de  leurs  interns  particuliers.  Les  faits  sont 
de  la  plus  haute  gravite.  Expressement  interdits  &  tous  les 
Francais  par  la  declaration  iraperiale  du  10  Juin,  1861,  ils  consti 
tuent  de  flagrantes  violations  des  principes  du  droit  des  gens  et 
des  devoirs  imposes  aux  sujets  de  toute  puissance  neutre,  devoirs 
dont  I'accomplissement  loyal  est  la  premiere  garantie  du  respect 
du  it  la  liberte  des  £tats  neutres  et  &  la  dignite  de  leurs  pavilions. 
Ce  sont  la  des  actes  de  manifeste  hostilite  contre  1'une  des  deux 
parties  belligerautes  a  1'egard  desquelles  le  gouvernement  fran- 
cais  a  resolu  de  maintenir  une  stride  neutralite. 

"II  faut  eviter,  dit  Yatel,  livre  3,  chapitre  VII,  de  confondre 
ce  qui  est  permis  &  une  nation  libre  de  tout  engagement,  avec  ce 
qu'elle  peut  faire  si  elle  pretend  6tre  traitee  comme  parfaitement 
neutre  dans  une  guerre.  Tant  qu'un  peuple  neutre  veut  jouir 
sfirement  de  cet  etat,  il  doit  montrer,  en  toutes  choses,  une  exacte 
impartialite  entre  ceux  qui  se  font  la  guerre,  car  f&fw&n»t  I'un 
au  prejudice  de  Vautre,  il  ne  pourra  pas  se  plaindre  quand  celui- 
ci  le  traitera  comme  adherent  et  associe  de  son  ennemi.  La  neu 
tralite  serait  une  neutralite  frauduleuse  dont  personne  ne  veut 
gtre  la  dupe. 

"Cette  impartialite,  ajoute  Vatel,  qu'un  peuple  neutre  doit 
garder,  comprend  deux  choses:  1,  ne  point  donner  de  secours, 
ne  fournir  librement  ni  troupes,  ni  armes,  ni  munitions,  ni  rieii 
de  ce  qui  sert  directement  a  la  guerre." 

Ce  sont  la"  des  actes  d'hostilite  qui,  reprouves  par  le  droit  des 
gens,  sont  caracterises  crimes  et  delits  par  les  lois  fran9aises  qui 
en  prononcent  la  repression  penale. 

L'article  84  du  Code  penal  est  ainsi  concu : 

"  Quiconque  aura,  par  des  actions  hostiles,  non  approuvees  par 
le  gouvernement,  expose  l'£tat  d-  une  declaration  de  guerre,  sera 
puni  du  bannissement,  et,  si  la  guerre  s'en  est  suivie,  de  la  de 
portation." 

Cette  disposition  de  la  loi  est,  dans  1'opinion  du  soussigne,  evi- 
demment  applicable  aux  auteurs  et  complices  des  faits  qui  sont 
resumes  plus  haut.  Quels  que  soient  les  motifs  et  quel  que  soit 
le  caractere  de  la  lutte  si  deplorablement  engage  au  sein  de 
Tunion  americaine,  soit  qu'on  la  considere  comme  une  guerre 
civile,  mgme  comme  une  insurrection  d'une  partie  de  la  nation 
americaine  contre  le  gouvernement  etabli,  soit  que  Ton  envisage 


226  APPENDIX. 

la  separation  qui  veut  s'operer  les  armes  &  la  main,  comme  une 
division  de  la  nation  en  deux  corps  distincts,  en  deux  peuples 
diff  erents.  La  guerre  entre  ces  deux  parties,  nous  dit  encore  Vatel, 
retombe  d  tons  egards  dans  le  cas  d'une  guerre  publique  entre  deux 
nations  differentes.  Les  peuples  qui  ne  veulent  point  6tre  en- 
traines  &  prendre  part  d  cette  guerre  doivent  se  renfermer  dans 
Jes  stricts  devoirs  de  la  neutralite  qu'ils  proclament. 

Au  milieu  du  dechirement  interieur  de  la  nation  americaine, 
dans  1'etat  de  paix  ou  est  la  France  avec  le  gouvernenient  des 
fitats-Unis,  dans  1'etat  des  relations  d'amitie  et  de  commerce  qui 
lient  les  deux  pays,  il  n'est  pas  d'action  hostile  qui  puisse  pro- 
voquer  plus  d'irritation  et  faire  soulever  contre  la  France  de  plus 
justes  griefs  que  le  secours  et  la  fourniture  d'armements  mari- 
times  donnes  par  des  Francais  &  1'ennemi  du  gouvernement  de 
Washington,  au  moyen  des  traites  conclus  avec  les  confederes, 
et  de  construction  de  navires  et  de  fabrication  d'armes  de  guerre 
operees  publiquement  dans  les  ports,  sur  les  chantiers  et  dans  les 
usines  de  la  France. 

L'action  des  entrepreneurs  de  ces  armements  est  d'autant  plus 
compromettante  et  expose  d'autant  plus  notre  pays  &  6tre  con- 
sidere  comme  ennemi  et  S,  voir  faire  contre  lui  une  declaration 
de  guerre,  que  les  armements  dont  il  s'agit  se  font  avec  des  auto- 
risations  regulierement  donnees  par  Tadministration  francaise. 
Ce  n'est  plus  ici  le  cas  d'appliquer  les  principes  qui  reglent 
d'ordinaire,  &  1'egard  des  nations  neutres,  les  consequences  des 
expeditions  de  contrebandes  de  guerre  quoique  naviguant  sous 
pavilion  neutre.  Les  expediteurs  de  ces  marchandises,  telles 
que  les  armes,  les  munitions,  toutes  les  matieres  preparees  pour 
la  guerre,  sont  seuls  responsables :  ils  peuvent  6tre  saisis  et  de 
clares  de  bonne  prise,  leur  pavilion  ne  les  couvre  pas;  mais  il 
n'en  resulte  aucune  responsabilite  a  la  charge  du  gouvernement 
auquel  ces  expediteurs  et  armateurs  appartiennent. 

Dans  les  traites  et  dans  1'execution  des  traites  intervenus  entre 
les  constructeurs  frangais  et  les  agents  des  £tats  Confederes,  le 
nom  et  1'autorite  du  gouvernement  francais  ont  ete  compromis 
par  les  autorisations  accordees.  Les  faits  se  presentent  done 
avec  le  caractere  d'une  action  hostile  de  la  part  de  notre  gouver 
nement  contre  le  gouvernement  amcricain.  Avec  ce  caractSre, 


APPENDIX.  227 

les  faits  pourraient  done  exposer  la  France  &  une  declaration  de 
guerre. 

Mais  il  est  vrai  de  dire  que  cette  apparente  compromission 
du  gouvernement  frangais  n'est  que  le  resultat  du  dol  pratique 
par  les  constructeurs  et  participants  du  traite  du  15  Avril,  qui,  & 
1'aide  d'une  fausse  indication  de  la  destination  des  navires,  ont 
trompe  les  Ministres  de  la  Marine  et  de  la  Guerre.  Que  des  ex 
plications  loyalement  donnees  de  gouvernement  &  gouvernement, 
que  le  retrait  des  autorisations  accordees  3,  Messrs.  Arman  et 
Voruz,  fassent  tomber  toute  plainte  et  recrimination  de  la  part 
du  gouvernement  des  £tats-Unis,  le  caracte~re  criminel  des  faits 
dont  ces  messieurs  et  leurs  cooperateurs  se  sont  rendus  coupables 
n'en  sera  pas  modifie,  et  ils  n'en  auront  pas  moins  fait  des  actions 
hostiles  qui  exposaient  la  France  a  une  declaration  de  guerre ;  ils 
sont  done  dans  le  cas  textuellement  prevu  par  1'art.  84  du  Code 
penal.  Ils  n'ont  pas  le  droit  d'alleguer  qu'ils  ont  ete  legalement 
autorises  par  le  gouvernement.  La  fraude  dont  ils  ont  use,  vici- 
ant  dans  leur  essence  mSme  les  actes  dont  ils  pertendaient  se  pre- 
valoir,  leur  culpabilite  est  aggravee  aux  yeux  de  la  justice  fran- 
9aise. 

II  est  d'autres  de  nos  lois  dont  les  contractants  et  participants 
des  marches  des  15  Avril  et  18  Juillet,  1863,  ont  frauduleusement 
elude  les  dispositions. 

La  loi  du  24  Mai,  1834,  porte,  art.  3:  "Tout  individu  qui,  sans 
y  £tre  legalement  autorise,  aura  fabrique  ou  confectionne  des 
armes  de  guerre,  des  cartouches  et  autres  munitions  de  guerre, 
....  sera  puni  d'un  emprisonnement  d'un  mois  &  deux  ans  et 
d'une  amende  de  16  frs.  a  1000  frs. 

"Art.  4.  Les  infractions  prevues  par  les  articles  precedents 
seront  jugees  par  les  tribunaux  de  police  correctionnelle.  Les 
armes  et  munitions  fabriquees  sans  autorisation  seront  confis- 


Dans  I'interSt  du  developpement  de  la  fabrication  francaise  et 
de  notre  commerce  exterieur,  une  ordonnance  royale,  du  12 
Juillet,  1847,  a  regie  1'application  de  cette  loi  de  1834  et  les  for- 
malites  administratives  qui  doivent  Stre  remplies  par  les  fa- 
bricants  d'armes. 

On  lit  dans  1'article  ler  de  Tordonnance  du  12  Juillet: 


228  APPENDIX. 

"Conformement  a  Particle  3  de  la  loi  du  24 Mai,  1834,  tout  in- 
dividu  qui  voudra  fabriquer  ou  confectionner  des  armes  de 
guerre  pour  Pusage  des  navires  de  commerce,  devra  obtenir  pre- 
alablement  1'autorisation  de  notre  ministre  Secretaire  d'etat  au 
Departement  de  la  Guerre,  et  de  notre  ministre  Secretaire  d'etat 
au  Departement  de  la  Marine  et  des  Colonies,  quant  aux  boucbes 
&  feu  et  aux  munitions." 

Dans  la  pratique,  ces  dispositions  de  Pordonnance,  qui  sem- 
blaient  n'e^tre  applicables  qu'&  Parmement  de  nos  navires  de  com 
merce,  ont  ete  etendues  &  la  fabrication  et  &  la  livraison  des  armes 
de  guerre  au  commerce  etranger. 

Pour  obtenir  les  autorisations  toujours  requises  en  pareil  cas, 
et  pour  pouvoir  livrer  aux  confederes  les  armements  de  guerre 
qu'ils  s'etaient  engages  &  leur  fournir,  Messrs.  Arman  et  Voruz 
ont  adresse  leurs  demandes  a  Messrs,  les  Ministres  de  la  Marine 
et  de  la  Guerre.  Les  autorisations  leur  ont  ete  accordees,  merne 
ils  ont  obtenu  la  permission  de  visiter  les  etablissements  de  l'£tat 
pour  profiler  des  ameliorations  apportees  a  Poutillage. 

C'est  &  la  vue  de  ces  autorisations,  qu'il  a  dit  lui  paraitre  suf- 
fisantes,  que  Pagent  diplomatique  des  confederes  a  ratifie,  le  6 
Juin,  1863,  le  traite  passe  le  15  Avril  precedent  entre  Messrs.  Ar 
man  et  Bullock.  Mais,  comme  on  Pa  vu  dans  la  lettre  adress6e  par 
M.  Arman  a  M.  le  Ministre  de  la  Marine  le  ler  Juin,  ce  n'est  qu'en 
trompant  sciemment  le  ministre  sur  la  destination  des  armements 
dont  ils  voulaient  munir  le  quatre  navires  construits  a  Bordeaux 
et  &  Nantes,  que  ces  messieurs  se  sont  fait  accorder  les  autorisa- 
tione  qu'ils  sollicitaient  indiiment. 

De  telles  autorisations  subrepticement  obtenues  doivent  done 
6tre  considerees  comme  nulles  et  de  nul  effet.  Messrs.  Arman, 
Voruz,  et  leurs  complices,  sont  done  dans  un  cas  de  violation  de 
la  loi  du  24  Mai,  1834,  et  sous  le  coup  des  peines  correctionnelles 
qu'elle  prononce. 

Le  crime  et  le  delit,  resultant  de  la  violation  de  Particle  84  du 
Code  penal  et  de  la  loi  de  1834,  constituent  Messrs.  Arman  et 
Voruz  et  leurs  co-interesses  contrevenants  aux  defenses  et  recom- 
mandations  contenues  dans  la  declaration  imperiale  dulQ  Juin  et 
doivent  e~tre,  ainsi  qu'il  est  dit  dans  cette  declaration,  poursuivis 
conformement  aux  dispositions  de  la  loi. 


APPENDIX.  229 

Les  fails  qui  doivent  dormer  lieu  &  ces  poursuites  legales  ont 
ete  commis  au  prejudice  et  centre  la  securile  du  gouvernement 
des  £lals-Unis.  II  est  hors  de  doute  que  ce  gouvernement  est 
en  droit,  comme  tout  etranger,  de  se  pourvoir  devant  les  tribu 
naux  francais  pour  reclamer  la  repression  et  la  reparation  de 
fails  accomplis  en  France  qui  lui  sont  dommageables.  Ici,  le 
dommage  est  incontestable,  parce  que,  independamment  de  la 
livraison  des  navires  et  de  leurs  armements  de  guerre,  le  fait 
notoire  de  la  construction  et  de  l'armement  en  France,  sous  1'ap- 
parenle  autorisation  du  gouvernement  fran£ais,  de  navires  de 
guerre  destines  aux  confederes,  etait  en  lui-m^me  pour  ceux-ci 
un  puissant  encouragement  a  soutenir  la  lutte,  et  portait  ainsi 
un  incalculable  prejudice  au  gouvernement  federal. 

II  reste  au  soussigne  a"  indiquer  au  gouvernement  des  £tats- 
Unis  quelles  voies  judiciaires  il  peut  suivre  pour  faire  prononcer 
centre  les  coupables  les  reparations  qui  lui  sont  dues  et  quelles 
doivent  <Hre  ces  reparations. 

Le  gouvernement  des  ^tats-Unis  peut  rendre  plainte  devant 
les  tribunaux  fran9ais  pour  raison  des  fails  dont  la  criminalite 
vient  d'etre  elablie,  et  notamment  quant  au  crime  prevu  par  1'ar- 
ticle  84  du  Code  penal.  Cette  plainte  devra  e"tre  remise  soil  &  la 
diligence  d'un  agent  specialement  autorise;  soil  sur  la  poursuite 
de  1'envoye  extraordinaire  et  plenipotentiaire  des  felats-Unis  en 
France,  aux  procureur  imperial. 

Conformement  aux  dispositions  des  articles  63  et  64  du  Code 
d'instruction  criminelle  la  plainte  peut  e^re  porlee  ou  devant  le 
magistral  du  lieu  ou  le  crime  et  le  delil  onl  ele  commis,  ou  devant 
celui  de  la  residence  de  1'inculpe.  Comme  il  y  a  plusieurs  com 
plices  et  agents  des  fails  incrimines,  le  juge  du  domicile  de  Tun 
d'eux  est  competent  pour  recevoir  la  plainte,  et  tous  les  com 
plices  seront  appeles  devant  lui  en  raison  de  la  connexite  des 
fails  denonces. 

Messrs.  Bullock  et  Slidell,  agents  des  confederes,  sont,  quoique 
etrangers,  jusliciables  des  tribunaux  francais  pour  raison  des 
fails  coupables  qu'ils  ont  provoques  ou  auxquels  ils  ont  participe 
sur  le  territoire  francais.  La  plainte  devra  enoncer  les  fails  in- 
culpes  et  Sire  appuyee  des  pieces  justificatives. 

Pour  faire  prononcer  les  reparations  qu'il  se  propose  de  de- 


230  APPENDIX. 

mander,  le  gouvernement  americain  devra  par  son  agent  special 
declarer  qu'il  entend  se  constituer  partie  civile,  c'est-a-dire  qu'il 
entend  soutenir  la  poursuite  a  fin  de  reparation,  concurremment 
avec  le  ministere  public.  En  se  constituant  partie  civile,  le  gou 
vernement  des  i£tats-Unis  doit  6tre  averti  qu'il  pourra  Stre  tenu 
de  donner  caution  judicatum  solvi,  aux  termes  de  1'article  166  du 
Code  de  procedure  civile,  ainsi  concu: 

"Tous  etrangers  demandeurs  principaux  ou  intervenants  se- 
ront  tenus,  si  le  defendeur  le  requiert,  avant  toute  exception,  de 
fournir  caution,  de  payer  les  frais  et  dommages  interns  auxquels 
ils  pourraient  e"tre  condanmes." 

Enfin  il  faut  faire  observer  que  1'une  des  personnes  centre  les- 
quelles  la  plainte  devra  6tre  collectivement  portee  est  membre  du 
Corps  Legislatif,  et  qu'en  raison  de  la  qualite  qui  lui  appartient, 
avant  de  donner  suite  a  la  plainte,  le  ministere  public  devra  de- 
niander  a  1'assemblee  1'autorisation  de  poursuivre,  conf ormement 
£  1'article  11  du  decret  organique  de  Fevrier,  1852. 

Dans  le  cas  ou  Ton  ne  voudrait  porter  plainte  que  pour  raison 
de  la  violation  de  la  loi  du  24  Mai,  1834,  et  de  1'ordonnance  de 
1847,  au  lieu  de  soumettre  la  plainte  au  juge  destruction  ou  de 
la  remettre  au  procureur  imperial,  1'action  devant  £tre  portee  de- 
vant  un  tribunal  correctionnel,  le  gouvernement  americain  pour- 
rait  proceder  par  voie  de  citation  directe,  et  il  porterait  devant  le 
juge  correctionnel  sa  demande  £  fin  de  reparations  civiles  et  de 
dommages  et  interests. 

Dans  le  cas  enfin  ou  le  gouvernement  des  fitats-TJnis  renonce- 
rait  a  intenter,  pour  raison  des  faits  dont  il  s'agit,  soit  une  action 
au  criminel  par  voie  de  plainte,  soit  une  simple  action  correc- 
tionnelle,  il  peut  separer  1'action  civile  de  1'action  publique,  et 
intenter  contre  ceux  qui  lui  ont  fait  prejudice  une  action  devant 
les  tribunaux  civils,  sauf  au  rniniste~re  public  &  exercer  1'action 
publique  en  repression  du  crime  et  du  delit  s'il  le  juge  S  propos. 

Devant  le  tribunal  civil,  le  gouvernement  des  £tats-Unis  n'aura 
a  invoquer,  en  justifiant  des  actes  dont  il  a  souffert,  que  les  dis 
positions  de  1'art.  1382  du  Code  civil,  ou  il  est  ecrit: 

"Tout  fait  quelconque  de  1'homme,  qui  cause  a  autrui  un 
dommage,  oblige  celui  par  la  faute  duquel  il  est  arrive  d,  le  re- 
parer." 


APPENDIX.  231 

X  fin  de  reparation  du  crime  ou  du  delit  commis  envers  lui,  le 
gouvernement  federal  demandera,  a  litre  d'indemnite,  la  confis 
cation  des  constructions  et  fabrications  faites  a"  son  prejudice. 
II  pourra  me'me,  apres  avoir  intente  le  proces,  demander,  a  titre 
de  mesure  conservatrice,  d'etre  autorise  &  saisir  provisoirement 
et  a  ses  risques  et  perils  tous  les  objets  construits  et  fabriques, 
comme  elements  des  faits  criminels  dont  la  reparation  peut  £tre 
ainsi  ordonnee  sans  que,  devant  les  juridictions  competentes,  les 
dispositions  des  lois  penales  aient  recu  leur  application. 

Delibere  a  Paris,  le  12  Novembre,  1863, 

BERKYER, 
ancien  b^tonnier  de  TOrdre  des  avocats  de  Paris. 


APPENDIX  B. 


COURT-MARTIAL  OF  COMMODORE  CRAVEN. 

CHARGES  AND  SPECIFICATIONS. 

CHARGE. — Failing  to  do  his  utmost  to  overtake  and  capture 
or  destroy  a  vessel  which  it  was  his  duty  to  encounter. 

SPECIFICATION.— In  this:  that  on  or  about  the  24th  day  of 
March,  1865,  the  said  Commodore  Thomas  T.  Craven,  com 
manding  the  U.  S.  S.  Niagara,  and  having  under  his  control  the 
U.  S.  S.  Sacramento,  then  lying  off  Corunna,  on  the  coast  of 
Spain,  and  a  vessel  of  the  enemy,  known  as  the  Stonewall,  being 
at  that  time  on  its  way  out  of  the  Bay  of  Corunna,  as  was  plainly 
seen  by  and  well  known  to  him,  did  fail  to  use  any  exertions  or 
make  any  effort  whatever  to  overtake  and  capture  or  destroy  the 
said  vessel  of  the  enemy,  as  it  was  his  duty  to  have  done;  but 
did  remain  quietly  at  anchor  for  more  than  twenty-four  hours 
after  having  seen  said  vessel  on  its  way  out  of  the  Bay  of  Corunna ; 
his  pretext  for  this  failure  in  duty  being  that  "the  odds  in  her 
(the  StonewaWs)  favor  were  too  great  and  too  certain  to  admit  of 
the  slightest  hope  of  being  able  to  inflict  upon  her  even  the  most 
trifling  injury;"  and  that,  had  he  gone  into  an  engagement,  "  the 
Niagara  would  most  undoubtedly  have  been  easily  and  promptly 
destroyed;"  and,  as  subsequently  stated  by  him  in  an  official 
letter  addressed  "To  the  Hon.  H.  J.  Perry,  Charge  d'Affaires, 
Madrid,"  and  dated  March  25, 1865,  "with  feelings  that  no  one 
can  appreciate,  I  was  obliged  to  undergo  the  deep  humiliation  of 
knowing  that  she  (the  Stonewall)  was  there — steaming  back  and 
forth — flaunting  her  flags  and  waiting  for  me  to  go  out  to  the 
attack.  I  dared  not  do  it.  The  condition  of  the  sea  was  such 
that  it  would  have  been  perfect  madness  for  me  to  go  out.  We 
could  not  possibly  have  inflicted  the  slightest  injury  upon  her, 


APPENDIX.  233 

and  should  have  exposed  ourselves  to  almost  instant  destruction 
— a  one-sided  combat,  which  I  do  not  consider  myself  called 
upon  to  engage  in."  GIDEON  WELLES, 

Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

NAVY  DEPARTMENT,  October  20,  1865. 

Upon  this  charge  and  specification,  the  court  found : 

"  Specification  of  the  charge  proven,  except  in  so  far  as  the 
words  '  as  it  was  his  duty  to  have  done,'  declare  it  to  be  the  im 
perative  duty  of  the  accused  to  join  battle  with  the  Stonewall  on 
the  24th  day  of  March. 

"  The  court,  in  considering  these  specifications  as  only  proven 
in  part,  and  the  accused  guilty  in  a  less  degree  than  charged, 
does  not  wish  to  deprive  an  officer  of  the  discretionary  powers 
due  to  his  command,  nor  to  establish  the  principle  that  it  is 
always  and  under  all  circumstances  imperative  that  two  wooden 
vessels  should  attack  an  iron-clad ;  but  the  court  intends  to  ex 
press  its  censure  upon  Commodore  Craven's  defective  judgment 
on  the  24th  day  of  March,  1865,  arising  from  his  want  of  zeal 
and  exertion  in  not  making  constant  and  personal  observation  of 
the  rebel  ram  while  at  Ferrol,  and  thereby  endeavoring  to  ascer 
tain  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  the  received  reports  of  her  char 
acter.  The  court  intends,  also,  to  reflect  upon  the  conduct  of 
the  accused  in  remaining  quietly  at  anchor  in  the  Bay  of  Corunna, 
while  his  enemy  was  parading  about  in  neutral  waters,  flaunting 
his  flags,  etc.,  when,  in  the  judgment  of  this  court,  it  was  his 
duty  to  have  gone  out  with  his  two  vessels  in  the  same  neutral 
waters,  and  there  to  have  made  observations  of  her  qualities  as 
to  speed,  rapidity  of  turning,  etc.,  as  well  as  to  have  made  close 
inspection  of  all  her  vulnerable  points.  He  would  then,  also, 
have  been  ready  to  avail  himself  of  any  opportunity  that  might 
have  offered,  had  his  enemy  been  disposed  to  have  given  him 
battle  in  the  open  sea.  At  all  events,  he  could  have  kept  her  in 
sight  and  been  satisfied  as  to  her  whereabouts.  Neither  does  the 
court  find  it  in  evidence  that  he  had  formed  with  his  consort  any 
plan  of  attack  should  an  action  have  occurred. 

"And,  therefore,  the  court  doth  adjudge  him  guilty  in  a  de 
gree  of  a  charge  preferred,  and  doth  find  him  guilty  of  the 
charge  in  a  less  degree  than  charged. 


234  APPENDIX. 

"And  the  court  doth  award  the  following  sentence,  viz. :  that 
the  accused,  Commodore  Thomas  T.  Craven,  be  suspended  from 
duty  on  leave  pay  for  two  years. 

"  Vice- Admiral  D.  G.  FARRAGUT,  President. 
II.  PAULDING,  Rear-Admiral. 
C.  H.  DAVIS,  Rear- Admiral. 
J.  A.  DAHLGREN,  Rear-Admiral. 
T.  TURNER,  Commodore. 
JAS.  S.  PALMER,  Commodore. 
JNO.  A.  WINSLOW,  Commodore. 
S.  P.  LEE,  Captain. 
MELANCTHON  SMITII,  Captain." 

This  record  was  returned  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  the 
court  for  revision,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  in  conflict  with 
law,  and  if  approved  would  tend  to  render  the  provisions  of  law 
which  the  accused  is  charged  with  violating  a  "dead  letter;" 
and,  further,  would  leave  it  discretionary  with  courts  to  depart 
from  the  law  in  another  respect  by  assuming,  in  fact,  the  power 
to  mitigate  punishments. 

Thereupon  the  court  revised  its  decision,  and  found  "these 
specifications  of  the  charge  proven,  except  the  words  '  as  it  was 
his  duty  to  have  done,'  and  doth  find  the  accused,  Commodore 
Thomas  T.  Craven,  of  the  charge  guilty.  And  doth  award  the 
following  punishment:  That  the  accused,  Commodore  Thomas 
T.  Craven,  be  suspended  from  duty  for  two  years  on  leave  pay." 

The  secretary  was  no  better  satisfied  with  this  finding  than 
the  previous  one,  and  he  ordered  the  proceedings  of  the  court 
set  aside  and  the  Commodore  released  from  arrest.  In  assigning 
his  reasons  for  this  order,  he  said: 

"The  offence  for  which  Commodore  Craven  was  tried  is  one 
which  the  law,  with  a  view  no  doubt  to  the  protection  of  the 
public  interests  and  national  character  in  time  of  war,  has  in 
cluded  among  those  to  which  the  penalty  of  death  is  attached. 

"The  same  law  has  enjoined  it  upon  courts-martial,  'in  all 
cases  of  conviction,  to  adjudge  a  punishment  adequate  to  the 
character  and  nature  of  the  offence  committed.'  It  leaves  it 
discretionary  with  the  court-martial  to  recommend  the  person 
convicted  to  clemency;  this  clemency,  however,  to  be  exercised, 


APPENDIX.  235 

not  by  the  court,  but  by  the  revising  power  or  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  who  are  expressly  clothed  with  the  power  to 
mitigate  or  remit  punishment. 

"  In  all  these  provisions  the  law  is  clear,  precise,  and  free  from 
ambiguity.  It  can  hardly  require  argument  to  make  it  plain 
that  a  punishment  that  would  be  deemed  too  mild- for  a  trivial 
offence  or  misdemeanor — a  nominal  punishment — cannot  be  ade 
quate  punishment  for  an  offence  to  which  the  law  has  attached 
the  penalty  of  death. 

"  Yet  the  court,  in  this  case  of  conviction  of  a  capital  offence, 
has  adjudged  a  punishment  which  is  obviously  nothing  more 
than  a  nominal  punishment,  if  it  be  even  as  much.  '  Suspension 
from  duty  for  two  years  on  leave  pay '  is,  in  itself,  nothing  more 
than  leave  of  absence  for  the  same  period ;  and  nothing  is  added 
to  it  to  give  it  a  semblance  of  real  punishment,  not  even  as  much 
as  a  reprimand,  severe  or  otherwise,  public  or  private.  Such 
punishment  as  this  no  officer  could  obtain  from  the  department 
as  a  favor. 

"The  final  proceedings  of  the  court  are  inexplicable  to  the 
department.  If,  after  finding  the  accused  guilty  of  a  capital 
offence,  they  had  stated  mitigating  circumstances  as  a  justifi 
cation  for  awarding  a  light  punishment,  the  department,  while 
considering  their  course  as  erroneous  and  in  violation  of  law, 
might  still  have  perceived  some  indication  of  sufficient  motive 
and  consistent  action.  But  instead  of  pointing  to  mitigating 
circumstances,  they  have  prepared  and  left  on  record  a  state 
ment  that  aggravated  the  circumstances. 

"  In  this  statement  they  censure  the  accused  for  '  his  want  of 
zeal  and  exertion  in  not  making  constant  and  personal  observa 
tion  of  the  rebel  ram  while  at  Ferrol,  and  thereby  endeavoring 
to  ascertain  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  the  received  reports  of  her 
character.' 

"  They  reflect  also  upon  '  the  conduct  of  the  accused  in  the 
Bay  of  Corunua  while  his  enemy  was  parading  about  in  neutral 
waters,  flaunting  his  flag,'  etc. 

"And  they  say:  'Neither  does  the  court  find  it  in  evidence 
that  he  had  formed  with  his  consort  any  plan  of  attack  should 
an  action  have  occurred.' 

"  Any  one  of  the  derelictions  of  duty  here  specified  would  de- 


236  APPENDIX. 

serve  some  greater  punishment  than  a  leave  of  absence  for  two 
years. 

"If  it  was  the  duty  of  the  accused  to  have  encountered  the 
Stonewall,  and,  through  negligence  or  any  other  cause,  he  failed 
in  any  one  particular  to  do  his  duty,  then  he  did  not  do  his  ut 
most  to  capture  or  destroy  the  vessel,  and  is  guilty  of  the  charge 
preferred  against  him.  The  court  have  found  him  guilty  of  it; 
and,  from  the  facts  which  they  find  proved,  it  appears  that  the 
accused,  instead  of  failing  merely  in  a  single  particular,  failed  in 
many  respects — instead  of  doing  his  utmost,  in  fact  did  nothing — 
and  was  wholly  and  inexcusably  derelict.  He  was  therefore  not 
only  guilty  of  the  charge,  but  guilty  in  the  broadest  sense,  and 
such  guilt  called  for  adequate  punishment. 

"Such  is  the  necessary  inference  from  what  the  court  finds 
proved.  But  this  inference  is  destroyed,  and  the  finding  of 
guilty  contradicted  by  what  the  court  find  not  proved. 

"They  say  they  find  the  specifications  of  the  charge  proven, 
except  the  words  '  as  it  was  his  duty  to  have  done.'  This  excep 
tion  destroys  and  annihilates  the  gravamen  of  the  charge.  The 
charge  against  the  accused  was,  as  required  by  law,  specific.  It 
was  founded  solely  upon  the  assumption  that  it  was  the  duty  of 
the  accused  to  encounter  the  Stonewall  at  the  time  and  place 
specified.  If,  as  the  court  state,  it  is  not  proved  that  it  was  his 
duty  to  encounter  that  vessel,  then  he  is  not  proved  guilty  of  the 
charge  preferred  against  him,  and  the  court  have  committed  a 
grave  error  in  finding  him  guilty  of  it. 

"  It  is  therefore  impossible  for  the  department  to  gather  from 
the  action  of  the  court  whether  the  accused  is  guilty  or  not. 
Their  finding  on  the  charge  declares  him  guilty,  but  their  find 
ing  on  the  specification,  and  the  nominal  punishment  awarded, 
imply  that  they  considered  him  not  guilty.  The  incongruous 
whole  has  the  aspect  of  an  unsuccessful  attempt  at  compromise 
between  those  members  of  the  court  who  believed  the  accused 
guilty  and  others  who  believed  him  not  guilty. 

"  The  whole  action  of  the  court  unfortunately  suggests  to  offi 
cers  of  the  navy  an  inference  which  the  department,  in  behalf  of 
the  court,  must  strenuously  disclaim,  as  not  intended  for  them, 
or,  at  least,  as  not  maturely  considered.  This  inference  is,  that 
the  general  rule  with  a  commanding  officer  of  the  navy  should 


APPENDIX.  237 

be:  'Do  not  fight  if  there  is  a  chance  of  defeat,'  rather  than  the 
converse  rule :  '  fight  if  there  is  a  chance  of  victory.' 

"The  principle  uniformly  inculcated  as  a  rule  of  naval  action 
has  been,  that  it  is  the  first  duty  of  a  commander  in  war  to  take 
great  risks  for  the  accomplishment  of  great  ends. 

"The  proceedings  of  the  court  are  set  aside,  and  Commodore 
Thomas  T.  Craven  is  hereby  relieved  from  arrest." 

GIDEON  WELLES, 

Secretary  of  the  Navy. 


APPENDIX  C. 


THE  MINISTER  OF  JUSTICE   TO   THE  AMERICAN 
MINISTER 

"  PARIS,  le  27  Juin,  1887. 

" Monsieur,— Par  un  office  en  date  du  23  Mai  dernier,  vous  avez 
bien  voulu  me  faire  savoir  que  M.  John  Bigelow,  ancien  Ministre 
des  £tats-Unis  desirerait,  dans  un  interest  purement  historique, 
obtenir  copie  du  dossier  des  poursuites  qui  auraient  etc  tentees 
devant  le  tribunal  de  Nantes  centre  un  Sr.  Petermann,  &  1'occa- 
sion  de  la  soustraction  par  celui-ci  chez  M.  Voruz,  constructeur, 
de  diverses  pieces  relatives  &  la  commande  de  navires  de  guerre, 
pour  le  compte  des  Confederes  Ainericains. 

"En  reponse  a"  cette  communication,  jai  1'honneur  de  vous 
adresser  sous  ce  pli  une  note  emanant  de  M.  le  Ministre  de  la 
Justice  et  d'ou  il  resulte,  comme  vous  le  verrez,  qu'aucune  pour- 
suite  n'a  ete  intentee  &  Nantes  et  qu'aucune  information  n'a  ete 
ouverte  par  le  parquet  de  cette  ville  contre  le  Sr.  Petermann. 

"  Agreez  les  assurances  de  la  haute  consideration  avec  laquelle 
jai  1'honneur  d'etre  Monsieur, 

"  Votre  tr6s  humble  et  trfis  obeissant  scrvitem, 

"FLOUBENS. 

"MONSIEUR  MACLANB, 

"Minister  des  fetats-Unis,  ^  Paris." 

"NOTE. 

"  II  resulte  des  recherches  faites  par  M.  le  Procureur-General 
de  Rcnnes  qu'aucune  poursuite  n'a  ete  intentee  et  qu'aucune  in 
formation  n'a  ete  ouverte  a  Nantes  contre  le  Sr.  Petermann  a 
1'occasion  de  la  soustraction  par  celui-ci  chez  M.  Voruz,  con 
structeur,  de  diverses  pieces  relatives  £  la  commande  de  navires 
de  guerre  pour  le  compte  des  Confederes  Americains. 

"Au  moment  de  la  guerre  de  secession,  M.  Voruz  avait 


APPENDIX.  239 

dcs  fitats  du  Sud  la  cornmande  de  deux  navires  de  guerre. 
Petermann  qui  etait  employe  de  ce  constructeur  se  laissa  cor- 
rompre.  II  detourna  les  traites  passes  entre  les  £tats  du  Sud  et 
M.  Voruz  et  les  livra  a  prix  d'argent. 

"Le  Phare  de  la  Loire,  publia  ces  traites,  M.  de  Chasseloup- 
Loubat,  alors  Ministre  de  la  Marine  avertit  M.  Voruz  que  la 
livraison  des  navires  entrainerait  des  difficultes.  Un  croiseur 
des  Ictats-Unis  gardait  en  effet  la  sortie  du  port  de  Saint  Nazaire. 

"Les  Confederes  du  Sud  prierent  alors  M.  Yoruz  de  vendre 
les  navires,  meme  a  perte,  pour  regagner  une  partie  de  leurs 
avauces.  M.  Voruz  fut  assez  lieureux  pour  les  ceder  au  Perou, 
et  les  navires  furent  livres  sans  difficulte  au  gouvernment  du 
Perou. 

"Petermann  n'a  ete  poursuivi,  M.  Voruz  n'a  dailleurs  pas 
porte  plainte  contre  lui." 


INDEX. 


"ALABAMA,"  the  commander  of,  prevented  from  declining  with  honor  a 
combat  in  which  his  vessel  was  lost,  154. 

Appendix  A,  No.  1.  Memoire  £  Consulter,  199;  No.  2.  Consultation  de  M. 
Berryer,  217 ;  B.  Court-martial  of  Commodore  Craven,  232 ;  C.  Letter 
from  the  Minister  of  Justice  to  the  Hon.  Robert  M.  McLane,  238. 

Arman,  ship-builder  at  Bordeaux,  constructs  vessels  of  war  for  Confederate 
States,  5;  his  amendment  to  emperor's  address,  31;  pretends  to  have 
sold  the  Confederate  ships  to  foreign  governments,  34,  49,  50;  his 
amendment  dropped  sub  silentio,  36;  interviewed  by  Gueroult,  37; 
receives  positive  instructions  from  the  emperor  to  sell  the  ships  bond 
fide,  52;  pretended  sale  of  the  Stonewall  to  Denmark,  65;  his  balance 
sheet,  102,  103,  195,  199,  211,  213,  223. 

Armstrong,  Sir  W.,  to  supply  ordnance  stores  for  Confederate  ships,  15. 

Arnous  de  Riviere,  210,  21l! 

Atigerville,  residence  of  Berryer,  20. 

BALANCE  SHEET,  102,  103. 

Benjamin,  J.  P.,  doubts  the  good  faith  of  "  a  high  personage,"  155;  decides 
against  selling  any  of  the  vessels  in  process  of  construction ;  sends 
treasury  draft  of  £500  to  Slidell  for  secret  service,  156 ;  reviews  the 
conduct  of  the  French  government,  accuses  it  of  aiding  the  enemies 
of  the  Confederacy  while  profuse  in  expressions  of  sympathy  for  it, 
161 ;  contrasts  the  conduct  of  the  English  and  French  governments, 
165;  recommends  a  "reserved  demeanor"  towards  the  emperor,  165; 
letter  to  Slidell,  171;  his  indictment  of  the  people  of  the  Northern 
States;  thinks  that  the  universal  massacre  of  the  Southern  people 
would  make  hundreds  and  thousands  of  the  Northern  people  frantic 
with  fiendish  delight,  171 ;  authorizes  Slidell  to  bribe  the  emperor, 
175-177 ;  sends  Jacob  Thompson  and  Clement  C.  Clay  on  secret  service, 
188. 

Berryer,  Antoine  Pierre,  eminent  barrister,  19;  quotation  from  his  address, 
92;  visited  at  Augerville,  20;  his  last  appearance  at  the  bar,  92,  93  ; 
death,  101 ;  Consultation  de,  217. 

Biarritz,  191. 

Bigelow,  John,  visit  from  Mr.  X.  and  his  disclosures,  1 ;  letter  to  Seward, 
39 ;  verifies  sale  of  Confederate  steamers,  57;  announces  the  escape  of 
the  Stonewall  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  61 ;  invites  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs  to  instruct  French  ambassador  at  Madrid  to  detain 

11 


242  INDEX. 

the  Stonewall,  62;  requests  Mr.  Perry  to  urge  Spanish  government 
to  detain  the  Stonewall^  70 ;  letter  to  Commodore  Craven,  72  ;  notifies 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  that  the  crew  of  the  Confederate  steamer 
Florida  had  been  transferred  to  the  Stonewall,  76 ;  complains  of  the 
Franco- Austrian  intervention  in  Mexico,  91 ;  institutes  suit  in  the 
French  courts  against  Arman  and  others,  97. 

Blakeley,  Captain,  a  London  manufacturer  of  ordnance,  G,  199,  201,  209 
et  seq. 

Boudet,  Minister  of  the  Interior,  interviews  Gueroult  in  re  publication  of 
Berryer's  consultation,  39. 

Brassos,  Santiago,  cargoes  of  arms  at,  for  the  Confederacy  seized  by  the 
French  naval  officers,  162. 

Bullock,  Captain  J.  D.,  agent  of  the  navy  department  of  the  Confederate 
government  in  Europe,  contracts  for  vessels  of  war  with  Arman  and 
Voruz,  5;  letter  to  Voruz,  6;  denounces  diplomatic  agents  of  the 
United  States  government;  contracts  for  ships  in  France  at  the  in 
stigation  of  the  Imperial  government,  43,  119;  "secret  service  of  the 
Confederate  States,"  14;  agrees  with  Arman  for  a  fictitious  sale  of 
vessels  to  Danish  government,  49,  50 ;  reports  departure  of  Stonewall 
from  Lisbon,  79 ;  Commodore  Craven's  neglect  to  pursue  the  Stonewall 
"a  good  deal  criticised,"  80;  his  plans  for  dispersing  the  blockading 
fleet,  84 ;  vessels  seized  by  English  government,  85 ;  denounces  the 
emperor  for  a  breach  of  faith  in  refusing  his  ships  exit  under  Con 
federate  flag,  107 ;  a  short-sighted  Sadducean,  189,  199,  201,  202,  205, 
209,  213,  223  et  seq. 

Ci  AssELOUP-LouBAT,  letter  to  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  about  escape  of 
Stonewall,  67. 

Clay,  Clement  C.,  sent  on  secret  service,  188. 

Cobden,  Richard,  letter  to  Mr.  Bigelow,  33. 

Confederate  cotton  loan,  the  market  of,  sustained,  187. 

Confederate  States  of  America,  2;  naval  operations  terminated.  194. 

Confederate  war-ships,  emperor  informs  Slidell  that  the  destination  of  the 
vessels  must  be  concealed,  137;  two  corvettes  sold  to  the  Prussian 
government,  159 ;  Slidell  advises  against  fitting  out  more  ships  of  war 
in  Europe,  160. 

Cowley,  Lord,  declared  his  government  had  no  official  knowledge  of  the 
emperor's  views  on  the  subject  of  recognition,  111. 

Craven,  Commodore,  70;  letter  from  Bigelow  advising  against  lawless 
violence,  72;  letter  to  Perry,  74;  tempted  to  run  the  Stonewall  down, 
75;  did  not  consider  his  force  sufficient  to  justify  the  pursuit  of  the 
Stonewall;  arrives  at  Corunna,  76,  77;  his  failure  to  fight  the  Stone 
wall  criticised,  80 ;  letter  to  Secretary  of  Navy  giving  reasons  for  not 
pursuing  the  Stonewall,  82 ;  court-martial  ordered,  found  not  to  have 
failed  in  his  duty  in  not  attacking  the  Stonewall,  232 ;  renewed  evi 
dences  of  his  government's  confidence  in  him,  88;  remains  in  active 
service  until  retired  by  age,  88 ;  his  death,  89. 

Cuba,  proposal  to  sell,  to  the  United  States,  191. 

DAYTON,  Mr,,  United  States  Minister  at  Paris,  submits  proofs  of  Confeder- 


INDEX.  243 

ate  ship-building  in  France  to  French  government,  17 ;  remonstrates 
at  its  continuance,  26 ;  enters  formal  protest  against  facilities  given  to 
Confederate  ship-building,  34 ;  death,  56 ;  did  not  employ  spies,  169. 

Declaration  of  neutrality,  20. 

Department  of  the  Marine  (France)  sanctions  clandestine  ship-building  to 
assist  the  Confederates,  2,  Appendix  A. 

Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  French  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  10 ;  evasive  answer 
to  American  minister's  remonstrance,  62 ;  letter  to  Mr.  Bigelow  de 
clining  responsibility  for  the  escape  of  the  Stonewall;  encloses  letter 
from  Minister  of  Marine,  64 ;  letter  to,  from  Minister  of  Marine,  about 
escape  of  Stonewall,  67 ;  notified  that  Florida's  crew  had  been  shipped 
on  board  the  Stonewall,  76;  appointed  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
112;  first  interview  of  Slidell  with,  142,  143,  144;  courteous  but  non 
committal,  145;  Slidell's  second  interview  with,  148;  says  France 
should  not  be  forced  into  a  war  by  indirection,  148. 

Dubigeou  fils,  5,  205,  213  et  sey.,  Appendix  A. 

EMPEROR,  the,  of  the  French,  Slidell's  first  interview  with,  116;  surprised  that 
the  Confederate  troops  had  no  coffee,  118 ;  regretted  having  respected 
the  blockade,  118;  occupies  a  small  house  at  Vichy,  120;  receives 
Slidell's  proposal  to  hire  his  fleet,  120 ;  says  the  policy  of  nations  is 
controlled  by  their  interests  and  not  by  their  sentiments,  122 ;  con 
sidered  the  idea  of  supplanting  American  with  Indian  cotton  chimer 
ical,  122;  prefers  an  armistice  of  six  months  to  mediation;  shows  a 
letter  from  the  King  of  Belgium  urging  the  great  powers  to  treat  the 
separation  of  the  Union  as  final  and  to  stop  the  war,  128 ;  suggests 
building  the  Confederate  steamers  as  for  the  Italian  government,  130 ; 
shows  a  letter  from  a  New-Yorker,  130 ;  authorizes  Slidell  to  assure 
the  Austrian  ambassador  that  he  will  recognize  the  Confederates  if 
Spain  would  take  the  initiative,  136;  prefers  English  Whigs  to  Eng 
lish  Tories,  136;  insists  that  the  destination  of  the  Confederate  ships 
must  be  concealed,  137 ;  prevents  Confederates  establishing  friendly 
relations  with  Maximilian,  162 ;  willing  to  secure  Arman  a  good  con 
tract,  165;  disposed  to  protract  war  in  America  until  Maximilian's 
supremacy  was  insured ;  hoped  Arraan's  ships  would  get  to  sea  before 
their  destination  was  discovered,  165. 

Erlanger  &  Co.  guarantee  pay  for  Confederate  ships,  5;  permitted  to  ad 
vertise  cotton  loan  in  Paris,  152 ;  authorised  by  Slidell  and  Mason  to 
sustain  the  market  for  Confederate  cotton  bonds,  175, 179, 187;  invest 
$6,000,000  in  "  bulling  "  the  market,  182 ;  Mason's  agreement  with, 
for  sustaining  the  market,  182,  187,  180;  letter  from  Mason,  183, 
199  et  seg. 

Eymand  and  Delphin,  proposed  consignees  for  the  Confederate  ships,  8. 

FAVRE,  JULES,  retained  as  counsel  for  the  United  States  in  place  of  Berryer, 
deceased,  in  the  suit  against  Arman  and  others,  101 ;  appointed  Min 
ister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  101. 

Ferrol,  the  Stonewall  arrives  at,  77 ;  Niagara  and  Sacramento  arrive  at, 
78. 

Florida,  Confederate  steamer,  crew  of,  shipped  on  board  Stonewall,  76. 


244  INDEX. 

France,  post-office  above  suspicion,  173. 

Fuller,  David,  United  States  messenger  at  Paris  consulate,  1. 

GUEKOULT,  editor  of  the  Opinion  Nationale,  forbidden  to  publish  Berryer's 
opinion,  28 ;  interview  with  Arman  and  Rouher,  charges  them  with 
conspiracy,  37,  38. 

Gwin  goes  to  Mexico  to  colonize  Sonora ;  bears  autograph  letter  from  Louis 
Napoleon  to  Bazaine. 

HALE,  JOHN  P.,  192. 

INFANTE  of  Spain,  intriguing  for  a  revolution,  191. 

JOLLET  KT  BABIN,  ship-builders  at  Nantes,  construct  vessels-of-war  for  the 

Confederates,  5,  205. 
Juarez,  treaty  with  the  United  States  to  enable  him  to  carry  on  the  war 

against  France,  124. 

LEON,  EDWIN  DK,  sent  to  Europe  as  agent  of  the  Confederate  government 
with  £25,000  to  enlighten  public  opinion,  174. 

Leopold,  King  of  the  Belgians,  assents  to  Maximilian's  aspirations,  23 ; 
autograph  letter  to  the  King  of  France  urging  the  interference  of  the 
great  powers  to  put  an  end  to  the  war ;  thinks  the  reconstruction  of 
the  American  Union  hopeless,  128 ;  hopes  for  success  of  French  arms 
in  Mexico,  130. 

Leopold,  Prince,  193. 

Lindsay,  M.P.,  Letter  to,  from  New  York,  130. 

MALLORY,  Secretary  of  Confederate  Navy,  decides  against  selling  the  Con 
federate  ships  building  in  France,  156. 

Marine,  department  of,  M.  Chasseloup-Loubat  sanctions  clandestine  ship 
building  for  Confederates,  2. 

Mason,  John  M.,  Confederate  agent  in  London,  7  ;  offers  $10,000  to  secure 
notes  of  Seward  and  Lincoln,  174;  directs  letters  of  Corwiu  to  be  se 
cured,  174 ;  authorizes  Erlanger  to  sustain  the  market  for  Confederate 
cotton  bonds,  178,  179,  180-187  ;  invests  $6,000,000  in  "  bulling  "  the 
market,  187  ;  letter  detailing  his  plans  and  success  in  "bulling"  the 
market,  187 ;  letter  to  Erlanger,  183  ;  letter  to  Benjamin,  184. 

Maury,  M.,  contre-amiral  des  Etats  Confedere's  d'Amerique,  211. 

Maximilian,  archduke,  accepts  the  crown  of  Mexico,  23 ;  proposes  to  enter 
into  friendly  relations  with  Confederate  government,  162  ;  shot,  95. 

Mazaline  et  Cie.,  205. 

McClellan,  his  letter  accepting  Democratic  nomination  for  the  Presidency, 
141 ;  greatly  disappoints  the  emperor's  hopes  of  peace,  141. 

McLane,  United  States  Minister  at  Paris,  letter  to,  from  the  Minister  of 
Justice,  98. 

Mercier  thought  an  offer  of  mediation  would  create  additional  exaspera 
tion,  115 ;  considered  the  re-establishment  of  the  Union  impossible, 
115. 

Memoire  a  Consulted,  199. 


INDEX.  245 

Mexico,  military  organization  of,  by  Prince  Maximilian  of  Austria,  90 ; 
Maximilian  shot,  95. 

Minister  of  Justice,  letter  to  the  United  States  Minister  in  Paris,  in  refer 
ence  to  the  prosecution  of  Petermann,  98. 

Mocquard,  private  secretary  of  the  emperor,  reports  that  the  emperor  found 
more  difficulties  than  he  had  anticipated  about  the  Confederates  build 
ing  ships-of-war  in  France,  133. 

Moltke,  Count,  Danish  Minister,  denies  purchase  of  the  StoerJcodder  from 
Annan,  59. 

Moreau,  Henri,  counsel  for  the  United  States,  associated  with  M.  Berryer, 
92-101. 

Mysterious  visitor  calls  at  United  States  Paris  consulate,  reports  ship-build 
ing  in  France  for  the  Confederates,  1,  190-193. 

NEUTRALITY,  French  declaration  of,  published  in  Moniteur,  21. 

Niagara,  frigate,  70 ;  arrives  at  Corunna,  77 ;  joined  by  United  States 
ship  Sacramento,  Spanish  authorities  uneasy,  77 ;  and  Sacramento  fol 
low  Stonewall  to  Lisbon  ;  unfitness  for  a  conflict,  86 ;  went  out  twice 
to  give  the  Stonewall  battle,  87;  sold  at  auction  and  burned,  89. 

Nicolay,  John  C.,  did  not  employ  spies,  169. 

ORDNANCE  stores,  plans,  specifications,  etc.,  for  Confederate  ships,  14. 
Opinion  Nationale,  French  republican  journal,  28  ;   Les  Corsairs  du  Sud 
accuses  the  Imperial  government  and  Arman  of  conspiracy,  37,  38. 

PAGE,  TITOS.  J.,  captain  of  Stonewall,  71 ;  leaves  for  Madrid  and  Paris,  72 ; 

returns  to  Ferrol,  78 ;  arrived  at  Nassau,  80 ;  at  Havana  learns  of 

General  Lee's  surrender,  80 ;  negotiates  with  Cuban  authorities  for 

surrender  of  Stonewall,  80. 
Perry,  Charge  d1  Affaires  at  Madrid,  telegram  from,  announcing  arrival  of 

Stonewall  at  Ferrol  in  Spain,  62;    receives  letter  from  Commodore 

Craven  ;  believes  Stonewall  not  in  a  seaworthy  condition,  74. 
Perry,  Mrs.,  accused  of  being  a  spy,  192. 
Persigny  asks  for  Slidell  an  interview  with  the  emperor,  112. 
Petit,  Gaudet,  et  Cie.,  armor-plate  makers,  14,  210. 
Phare  et  Loire,  French  journal  in  which  the  contracts  for  ship-building 

were  published,  99. 

Plans,  specifications,  and  ordnance  stores  for  Confederate  ships,  14. 
Petermann,  Voruz's  absconding  clerk,  no  prosecution  instituted,  98,  99, 

238. 

Port  Royal,  Bullock  plans  an  attack  on,  79,  194. 
Prim,  General,  Minister  of  War,  wishes  to  sell  the  Antilles,  191 ;  provokes 

insurrection  in  Spain,  193 ;  prevails  upon  Prince  Amadeus  to  accept 

the  crown,  193 ;  death,  193. 

"RAPPAHANNOCK,"  her  detention  a  precedent  for  the  detention  of  the 

Stonewall,  63 ;  reported  unfitness  for  service,  154 ;  detention  of,  163. 
Riviere,  Arnous  de,  letter  to  Voruz,  211, 199,  213  et  seq. 
Roebuck,  letters  to  W.  S.  Lindsay,  138. 
Rouher,  Minister  of  State  for  France,  interviewed  by  Gueroult,  37. 


246  INDEX. 

"  SACRAMKNTO,"  the  United  States  ship,  arrives  at  Corunna,  77;  anchors  at 
Ferrol,  78;  the  Niagara  and,  follow  the  Stonewall  to  Lisbon,  79 ;  her 
unavailable  condition,  87. 

Seward,  W.  H.,  Secretary  of  State,  issues  instructions  for  Mr.  Dayton's 
guidance,  30  ;  submits  further  instructions  to  Mr.  Dayton,  34. 

Slidell,  John,  Confederate  commissioner  at  Paris,  7  ;  accuses  agents  of  the 
Washington  government  of  theft  and  forgery,  96 ;  seeks  to  identify 
one  Petermann,  an  absconding  clerk  of  Voruz,  97 ;  obtains  through 
intervention  of  Persigny  an  audience  of  the  emperor  at  Vichy,  110; 
letter  to  Benjamin,  110;  question  of  veracity  between  Lord  Cowley 
and  Thouvenel,  111;  his  opinion  of  English  statesmen,  112;  inter 
view  with  Thouvenel,  114;  hands  him  letter  demanding  recognition 
for  Confederate  States  with  a  memorandum  on  blockade,  115  ;  account 
of  his  first  interview  with  the  emperor,  116  ;  proposes  to  give  a  thou 
sand  bales  of  cotton  for  the  assistance  of  French  fleet,  120  ;  born  in 
New  York  city,  123  ;  second  interview  with  the  emperor,  126;  would 
accept  emperor  as  umpire  between  the  belligerents,  128;  letters  to 
Benjamin,  interview  with  Mocquard,  133 ;  third  interview  with  the 
emperor,  135 ;  authorized  to  offer  to  guarantee  Cuba  to  Spain,  136 ; 
reads  Roebuck's  letter  to  the  emperor,  136 ;  asks  an  interview  for  Roe 
buck  and  Lindsay,  136  ;  letter  to  Benjamin  ;  meets  the  emperor  at  the 
races,  thanks  him  for  admitting  his  son  at  St.  Cyr,  139 ;  McClellan's 
letter  accepting  the  Democratic  nomination  for  president  dissipated  his 
hopes  of  peace,  141;  first  interview  with  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  142;  as 
signs  reasons  for  expecting  a  formal  recognition  of  Confederate  govern 
ment,  143 ;  reads  to  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  a  letter  from  a  visitor  to  Lord 
Palraerston,  144 ;  advises  him  of  the  cotton  subsidy  proposition  which 
had  been  submitted  to  the  emperor,  145;  second  interview  with  Drouyn 
de  Lhuys,  148 ;  informs  him  that  the  plan  of  building  ships-of-war  in 
France  originated  with  the  emperor,  148 ;  third  interview  with  Drouyn 
de  Lhuys,  150;  recommended  to  confer  with  him  through  a  friend,  150; 
receives  assurance  from  Rouher  that  the  Confederate  ships  should  be 
permitted  to  go  to  sea,  151 ;  obtains  permission  to  advertise  cotton 
loan  in  Paris  papers,  151 ;  letter  to  Benjamin,  152  ;  the  building  of  the 
war  steamers  interfered  with,  153  ;  evidence  of  their  ownership  in  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Dayton,  153  ;  suggests  the  completion  of  the  ships,  155; 
Benjamin's  reply,  155;  approves  of  the  contract  with  Arman,  157; 
letter  to  Benjamin,  159;  advises  against  further  attempts  to  fit  out 
ships-of-war  in  Europe,  160 :  letters  stolen  from  Captain  Matiry,  171 ; 
post-office  in  France  above  suspicion,  171 ;  tries  to  bribe  the  emperor, 
175-177 ;  authorizes  Erlanger  et  Cie.  to  sustain  the  market  for  Con 
federate  bonds,  175,  179,  180-187,  199,  205,  213  et  seq. 

Specifications,  plans,  and  ordnance  stores  for  Confederates,  14. 

Spence,  Mason  acting  under  his  advice,  some  account  of,  184. 

Stoerkodder,  afterwards  the  Stonewall,  ship  built  by  Arman  for  the  Con 
federates,  57. 

Stonewall,  statement  of  American  Minister  regarding  her  escape,  61 ;  ar- 
rivalat  Ferrol,  62  ;  alleged  sale  of,  to  Denmark,  65 ;  letter  from  Min 
ister  of  Marine  to  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  about  her  escape,  67  ;  at 
Corunna  in  a  leaky  condition,  71 ;  goes  to  Ferrol  for  repairs,  71 ;  Craven 


INDEX.  247 

tempted  to  run  her  down,  75 ;  her  subsequent  career  recited  by  Cap 
tain  Bullock,  76 ;  arrives  at  Havana,  80 ;  is  surrendered  to  the  Cap 
tain-General  of  Cuba,  81 ;  delivered  up  to  the  United  States,  81 ;  sold 
by  United  States  government  to  government  of  Japan,  fcl. 

THOMPSON,  JACOB,  sent  on  secret  service,  188. 

Thouvenel,  E.,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  (France),  22  ;  Slidell's  unsatis 
factory  interview  with,  110  ;  resigns  portfolio  of  Foreign  Affairs,  111 ; 
his  surprise  at  Lord  Cowley's  assertion,  111. 

VORUZ,  aine,  iron-founder  and  machinist  at  Nantes,  also  member  of  the 

Corps  Legislatif,  6,  201,  206. 
Voruz,  Anthony,  207,  199,  209,  213  et  seq. 

X,  Mr.,  mysterious  visitor  reports  ships  building  for  Confederates  at  Bor 
deaux  and  Nantes,  1,  169;  proposes  the  sale  of  all  the  Spanish  An 
tilles  to  the  United  States,  191. 


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KELLEY,  Lieutenant  U.  S.  N.  Illustrated.  Square  8vo,  Ornamental 
Cloth,  $2  50. 

LODGE'S  ENGLISH  COLONIES  IN  AMERICA.  English  Colonies  in 
America.  A  Short  History  of  the  English  Colonies  in  America. 
By  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE.  8vo,  Half  Leather,  $3  00. 

HARPER'S  POPULAR  CYCLOPAEDIA  OF  UNITED  STATES  HIS 
TORY. 

From  the  Aboriginal  Period  to  1876.  Containing  Brief  Sketches  of 
Important  Events  and  Conspicuous  Actors.  By  BENSON  J.  LOSSING. 
Illustrated  by  Two  Steel-plate  Portraits  and  over  1000  Engravings. 
2  vols.,  Royal  8vo,  Cloth,  $10  00;  Sheep,  $12  00;  Half  Morocco, 
$15  00.  (Sold  by  Subscription  only.) 

PICTORIAL  FIELD-BOOK  OF  THE  REVOLUTION;  or,  Illustrations 
by  Pen  and  Pencil  of  the  History,  Biography,  Scenery,  Relics,  and 
Traditions  of  the  War  for  Independence.  By  BENSON  J.  LOSSING. 
2  vols.,  8vo,  Cloth,  $14  00  ;  Sheep,  $15  00;  Half  Calf,  $18  00. 

PICTORIAL  FIELD-BOOK  OF  THE  WAR  OF  1812 ;  or,  Illustrations 
by  Pen  and  Pencil  of  the  History,  Biography,  Scenery,  Relics,  and 
Traditions  of  the  last  War  for  American  Independence.  By 
BENSON  J.  LOSSING.  With  882  Illustrations,  engraved  on  wood  by 
Lossing  &  Barritt,  chiefly  from  Original  Sketches  by  the  Author. 
Complete  in  One  Volume,  1084  pages,  large  8vo.  Price  in  Cloth, 
$7  00;  Sheep,  $8  50;  Full  Roan,  $9  00;  Half  Calf,  or  Half  Mo 
rocco  extra,  $10  00. 

KINGLAKE'S  CRIMEAN  WAR.  The  Invasion  of  the  Crimea:  its 
Origin,  and  an  Account  of  its  Progress  down  to  the  Death  of  Lord 
Raglan.  By  A.  W.  KINGLAKE.  Maps  and  Plans.  6  vols.,  12mo, 

Cloth,  $2  00  per  vol. ;  Half  Calf,  $3  75. 


4  Some  Books  for  the  Library. 

GREEK'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  PEOPLE.  History  of  the 
English  People.  By  JOHN  RICHARD  GREEK,  M.A.  With  Maps.  In 
Four  Volumes.  8vo,  Cloth,  $10  00  per  vol. ;  Sheep,  $12  00  ;  Half 
Calf,  $19  00. 

GREEN'S  SHORT  HISTORY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  PEOPLE.  A  Short 
History  of  the  English  People.  By  JOHN  RICHARD  GREEN.  With 
Maps  and  Tables.  New  and  enlarged  Edition,  from  New  Electro 
type  Plates.  Crown  8vo,  Cloth.  (Just  Ready.) 

GREEN'S  MAKING  OF  ENGLAND.  The  Making  of  England.  By 
JOHN  RICHARD  GREEN.  With  Maps.  Svo,  Cloth,  $2  50;  Sheep", 
$3  00  ;  Half  Calf,  $4  75. 

GREEN'S  CONQUEST  OF  ENGLAND.  The  Conquest  of  England. 
By  JOHN  RICHARD  GREEN,  M.A.,  LL.D.  With  Portrait  and  Colored 
Maps.  Svo,  Cloth,  $2  50 ;  Sheep,  $3  00;  Half  Calf,  $4  75. 

M'CARTHY'S  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  A  History  of  Our  Own 
Times,  from  the  Accession  of  Queen  Victoria  to  the  General  Elec 
tion  of  1880.  By  JUSTIN  M'CARTHY.  2  vols.,  12mo,  Cloth,  $2  50. 

DRAPER'S  AMERICAN  CIVIL  WAR.  History  of  the  American 
Civil  War.  By  JOHN  W.  DRAPER,  M.D.,  LL.D.  In  Three  Volumes. 
Svo,  Cloth,  $10  50;  Sheep,  $12  00;  Half  Calf,  $17  25. 

ABBOTT'S  FREDERICK  THE  GREAT.  The  History  of  Frederick 
the  Second,  called  Frederick  the  Great.  By  JOHN  S.  C.  ABBOTT.  Il 
lustrated.  Svo,  Cloth,  $5  00 ;  Sheep,  $5  50 ;  Half  Calf,  $7  25. 

ABBOTT'S  FRENCH  REVOLUTION.  The  French  Revolution  of 
1789,  as  Viewed  in  the  Light  of  Republican  Institutions.  By  JOHN 
S.  C.  ABBOTT.  100  Illustrations.  Svo,  Cloth,  $5  00 ;  Sheep,  $5  50; 
Half  Calf,  $7  25. 

ABBOTT'S  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  The  History  of  Napoleon 
Bonaparte.  By  JOHN  S.  C.  ABBOTT.  With  Maps,  Illustrations,  and 
Portraits  on  Steel.  2  vols.,  Svo,  Cloth,  $10  00;  Sheep,  $11  00; 
Half  Calf,  $14  50. 

ABBOTT'S  NAPOLEON  AT  ST.  HELENA.  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena; 
or,  Interesting  Anecdotes  and  Remarkable  Conversations  of  the 
Emperor  during  the  Five  and  a  Half  Years  of  his  Captivity.  Col 
lected  from  the  Memorials  of  Las  Casas,  O'Meara,  Montholon,  An- 
tommarchi,  and  others.  By  JOHN  S.  C.  ABBOTT.  Illustrated.  Svo, 
Cloth,  $5  00;  Sheep,  $5  50;  Half  Calf,  $7  25. 


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